Abstract: This study on Venezuelan migration to post-conflict Colombia aims to explain how the reconstruction from conflict and forced migration processes have impacted women. It poses the question of how reconstruction approaches of Colombian and other Latin American civil society groups of women apply to Venezuelan migrant women in the border. Colombia hosts roughly 2 million Venezuelan migrants who have stayed despite the persistent violence caused partially by the turmoil of its politics in the post- conflict aftermath. Using testimonial accounts, the dissertation examines the distinct experiences of Venezuelan migrant women in the borderlands of Colombia. It reveals a blending of crises as the source of support networks. The imminent need to provide humanitarian assistance transformed in the creation of a system that opens the way to integration. From the emergency declaration, addendums to the law for Venezuelans to access the health care system to the adaptation for economic dynamics, women migrants find in Colombia a space for restart. Feasible peace processes in the region have gendered roots. This study claims that despite the recrudescence of violence in Colombia, Venezuelan migrants have an immaterial connection based on historic social, cultural roots that make it their country of preference over other border countries. Findings demonstrate there was an empirical gap in identifying one of the major triggers of the migration crisis. The binational tensions of August 2015 marked the starting point of one of the largest diasporas of the 21st Century.

Abstract: This research paper describes and analyses the defining moments in the journey of healing from sexual violence in the context of armed conflict in Colombia. Following the experience of three women of Tamboreras del Cauca, it identifies the external and internal re- sources that facilitated their journey. Taking reconciliation as the approach and some models as reference, was possible to place this experience as an example of what it takes to restore people's story and relation- ships after trauma and how this could be a work in progress towards reconciliation in times of post-agreement in Colombia. Through in-depth interviewing, I could get close to their stories, and unfold from their narratives, what and how each element has contributed to their transformation, from the individual to the collective space. In particular, the role of the arts and metaphors to reach new levels to understand how to address traumatic experiences. From there, bring attention to the creative act and imagination behind reconciliation as a condition, in the log-term, to stable peace.

Abstract: The promotion of education as a human right became part of the discourse of international aid agencies and banks since the end of WWII. Consequently, studies of development have examined the conditions under which education becomes a driver of socio-economic progress under three theories: “modernization”, “human capital”, and “dependency”. Previous research has not agreed on the impact of education on inequalities and mainly adopted a quantitative approach. This dissertation implements a mixed-methods approach to examine context-specific variables in comparative education with the “dependency” theory. The outbreak of COVID-19 in 2020 generated great losses in human capital accumulation. In Latin America, one of the most unequal regions in the world, the impact of school disruption increased drop-out rates and forced governments to generate measures to mitigate learning losses. This dissertation examines through a comparative analysis to what extent remote learning policies implemented during COVID-19 reduced inequality gaps in Chile and Colombia, with a particular focus on secondary education. Moreover, as intervening variables, it selects two neoliberal characteristics: privatization and government intervention. Colombia and Chile implemented multimodal education policies during COVID-19. However, in Colombia, school closures lasted longer than in Chile. The PISA exam forecast of the World Bank also suggests that education inequality gaps in secondary education increased after the pandemic, with greater inequalities in Colombia. Moreover, the Gini coefficient shows that Colombia has been more unequal than Chile before and after COVID-19. Lastly, the analysis of the intervening variables shows that remote learning policies were unable to reduce inequalities and mainly favoured private institutions and urban areas. Finally, as part of the lessons, this research suggests that the neo-liberal characteristics of both countries marked a difference in the implementation of policies. Moreover, the lack of information incentivised the adoption of good practices that become suitable policy alternatives when adapted to local needs. Lastly, this research evidences the need for LAC to include technological tools in their education systems to respond to future crises.

Abstract: While there is strong evidence of the association between oil wealth and internal armed conflicts, the literature is less conclusive about the processes linking the two. Despite myriad mechanisms hypothesised by the literature, much uncertainty still exists about the causal pathways between oil and armed conflicts. How does oil revenues affect the occurrence and course of internal armed conflicts in contexts of political decentralisation? The main argument of the thesis is that the control of abundant oil revenues by subnational governments contributes to shape the strategies undertaken by armed groups at the local level. Subnational governments become a prize for armed groups, which pursue oil revenues through the political capture of local democracy. The armed groups interfere with democracy through a mix of violent and non-violent strategies. The thesis identifies political connections between oil revenues and armed conflicts and traces mechanism which I term the subnational-government-astarget. The pathway contributes to explain how oil revenues can undermine the workings of the subnational government through the dynamics of the armed conflict. A comparative case study approach was implemented to examine how oil revenues affected conflict and public management at the subnational level in Colombia. Drawing on data collected over five months of fieldwork in oilroyalty-abundant municipalities, the thesis also constitutes one of the first studies to examine the effects of oil revenues accrued by non-oil-producing municipalities in Colombia. The qualitative and quantitative data was triangulated to carry out a process-tracing analysis covering the period from the early 1960s to 2017.

Abstract: Over twenty years passed since American and Canadian forces arrived in Afghanistan to start the War on Terrorism as a response to 9/11, and during this period, there has been an enormous controversy about the nature and the scope of the Afghanistan intervention. Amidst this controversy, this dissertation aims to unravel a strategic puzzle: why and how the United States and Canada adopted similar engagement levels, especially similar counterinsurgency (COIN) strategies between 2005/2006 and 2011. During this time, the United States and Canada fought against insurgent groups, sought to maintain stabilized areas by mentoring Afghan forces, and invested in infrastructure and governance. These goals, which corresponded to the ‘clear,’ ‘hold,’ and ‘build’ COIN components, entailed sending troops and civilian officials to a war zone and committing financial resources. According to structural realism as a dominant IR theory, the similarity of American and Canadian engagements constitutes a puzzle because this theory would expect that countries with different relative standings in the international system are meant to adopt different foreign and security policies. To unravel this puzzle, this dissertation uses neoclassical realism. Like a realist theory, it examines the effects of relative material capabilities on foreign policy, which is an essential factor in comparing American and Canadian foreign and security policies. Yet, unlike structural realism, it considers dimensions other than states’ relative standing, such as perceptions and domestic politics, which, along with the relative standing, help to unpack the puzzle above. Based on this theory, the central argument of this dissertation is that the similarity of American and Canadian engagements resulted from similar systemic stimuli from the post-9/11 strategic environment, foreign policy executives’ (FPE) similar strategic beliefs, and comparable abilities to mobilize domestic resources. By showing the occurrence of factors on both American and Canadian sides bringing about the outcome above, this dissertation seeks to undermine the ideas of the “Americanization” of Canadian foreign and security policy and the syndrome of “parochialism” of the United States regarding its Northern neighbour.

Currently, the peace agreement reached between the Colombian Government and the extinct guerrilla of the FARC, after more than five-decades of protracted NIAC, is of great interest to the international community. This thesis provides a scrutiny on a selection of core concessions granted in this peace agreement, now on implementation, aiming to corroborate their congruence with the objective of sustainable peace. In this endeavor, it is intended to identify the novelties and contributions to the law on post-conflict justice, to understand the interaction of international and domestic law, and, ultimately, to corroborate evidence for a prospective jus post bellum internum. In this sense, this thesis is exploratory in nature. One of the most relevant features of the peace agreement with the FARC is its holistic approach. All its processes and mechanisms are linked by a regime of conditionality and incentives, which ties the punitive, economic, and social benefits for the ex-fighters to their submission to the transitional justice regime, through verifiable contributions to truth, reparations to victims, and guarantees of non-recurrence. The analysis of the selection of concessions is framed under the broader topics of criminal accountability and punishment, and political, economic, and social reincorporation of ex-fighters. In relation to criminal accountability and punishment, the peace agreement presented a revolutionary idea in relation to special and alternative sanctions to imprisonment [with different levels of restriction of other rights] for jus cogens crimes, within a criminal Special Jurisdiction for Peace (‘SPJ’) with a predominant reparative justice approach, placing the victims in the center of every process. This novelty succeeded in providing alternatives in the traditional debate on granting amnesties for international crimes and the State’s duty to investigate, prosecute, and punish, while aiming for ‘just peace’. The success of this tribunal majorly relies on its own performance. Regarding political reincorporation for ex-fighters, States enjoy great margin of discretion in how to handle power-sharing and political participation of rebel groups. The participation of the FARC in politics is linked to the conditionality regime in the SJP and only when compatible with the special sanction would be feasible. Ensuring democratic platforms for those who lay down their arms peacefully is in fulfillment of equality, rather than a violation of it. Additionally, on the light of the rights of victims, this do not comprise a prohibition for perpetrators for taking part in politics and, on the contrary, their participation in the democratic fora is part of the overall non-recurrence strategy and as an example of reconciliation. In relation to economic and social reincorporation of ex-fighters, the main novelty resides in sequencing and linking the integral program of reincorporation to the SJP conditionality regime, connected to the fulfillment of the rights of victims. By identifying socially-productive projects, assisting not only the ex-fighters but their receiving communities, and focusing on activities such as demining and contributing to environment protection, the State fulfills its international obligations while complying with its internal IHRL obligations owed to the demobilized as vulnerable populations. It is shown that reincorporation processes are categorically dependent on the specific setting, the major challenges reside on the security threats to the ex-fighters and social leaders, and the strengthening of the collective programs seems a viable project for the long-term stabilization of the ex-fighters. The way in which general international law, IHL, IHRL, and ICL interrelate with domestic law in post-conflict situations of NIACs is varied but permanent. Depending on the substantive matter under scrutiny this interaction will be more or less complex. It can be said that international law constantly generates a two-way interaction. Demanding guarantees for abolishing impunity, but obliging the State to guarantee to those who in good faith lay down their arms the full exercise and enjoyment of their political and ESC rights. In this sense, international law not only imposes limits on concessions from peacetime law, but in occasions serves to support them. In conclusion, the analyzed concessions considered in the peace agreement succeeded in providing avenues for achieving the ‘greater good’ of sustainable peace, while fulfilling the rights of victims fully, attaining justice in a restorative and wider sense and contributing with valuable novelties for peace processes in the shadow of the Rome Statute. Bearing in mind the analyses made in this thesis, it can be corroborated that the emergence of a jus post bellum internum is feasible, provided that freedom of maneuver for States is maintained, allowing them to innovate in peace negotiations, deciding on concessions, and designing transitional systems that better suit their contexts, delivering meionexia [justice]. International law must inform States’ decisions, but the limits imposed are only derived from peremptory norms. In this sense, a jus post bellum internum has the potential to make more uniform and straight-forward the application of international law to different post-conflict contexts, without compromising the necessary flexibility for States to attain ‘just peace’. Resumen: Actualmente, el acuerdo de paz alcanzado entre el Gobierno colombiano y la extinta guerrilla de las FARC, después de más de cinco décadas de prolongado conflicto armado interno (NIAC por su acrónimo en inglés), es de gran interés para la comunidad internacional. Esta tesis examina una selección de concesiones fundamentales otorgadas en este acuerdo de paz, ahora en ejecución, con el objetivo de corroborar su congruencia con el objetivo de una paz sostenible. En este esfuerzo, se pretende identificar las novedades y contribuciones al derecho sobre la justicia en situaciones de post-conflicto, comprender la interacción entre el derecho internacional y el derecho interno y, en última instancia, corroborar evidencia para la existencia de un posible jus post bellum internum. En este sentido, esta tesis tiene una naturaleza exploratoria. Una de las características más relevantes del acuerdo de paz con las FARC es su enfoque holístico. Todos sus procesos y mecanismos están vinculados por un régimen de condicionalidad e incentivos, que vincula los beneficios punitivos, económicos y sociales para los ex combatientes a su sometimiento al régimen de justicia transicional, a través de contribuciones verificables a la verdad, reparaciones a las víctimas y garantías de no recurrencia. El análisis de la selección de concesiones se enmarca en los temas más amplios de la responsabilidad penal y el castigo, y la reincorporación política, económica y social de los ex combatientes. En relación con la responsabilidad penal y el castigo, el acuerdo de paz presentó una idea revolucionaria en relación con las sanciones especiales y alternativas al encarcelamiento [con diferentes niveles de restricción de otros derechos] por delitos de jus cogens, dentro de una Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (‘JEP’) penal con un enfoque predominante de justicia reparadora, colocando a las víctimas en el centro de cada proceso. Esta novedad logró ofrecer alternativas en el debate tradicional sobre la concesión de amnistías por crímenes internacionales y el deber del Estado de investigar, enjuiciar y castigar, al tiempo que buscaba una paz justa. El éxito de este tribunal depende en gran medida de su propia actuación. En cuanto a la reincorporación política de los ex combatientes, los Estados gozan de un gran margen de discrecionalidad en cuanto a la forma de manejar la distribución del poder y la participación política de los grupos rebeldes. La participación de las FARC en la política está ligada al régimen de condicionalidad del JEP y sólo cuando sea compatible con la sanción especial sería factible. Garantizar plataformas democráticas para aquellos que deponen las armas pacíficamente es una acción en cumplimiento de la igualdad y no una violación de la misma. Además, a la luz de los derechos de las víctimas, éstos no incluyen la prohibición de que los perpetradores participen en la política y, por el contrario, su participación en los foros democráticos forma parte de la estrategia general de no recurrencia y es un ejemplo de reconciliación. En relación a la reincorporación económica y social de los ex combatientes, la principal novedad reside en la secuenciación y vinculación del programa integral de reincorporación al régimen de condicionalidad del JEP, vinculado al cumplimiento a las víctimas y garantía a sus derechos. Mediante la identificación de proyectos socialmente productivos, la asistencia no sólo a los ex combatientes, sino también a las comunidades que los acogen, y su concentración en actividades como el desminado y la contribución a la protección del medio ambiente, el Estado cumple con sus obligaciones internacionales al tiempo que cumple con sus obligaciones internas en relación con los desmovilizados en su condición de poblaciones vulnerables. Se demuestra que los procesos de reincorporación dependen categóricamente del contexto específico en el que se dan, los principales desafíos residen en las amenazas a la seguridad de los ex combatientes y líderes sociales, y el fortalecimiento de los programas colectivos parece un proyecto viable para la estabilización a largo plazo de los ex milicianos. La forma en que el derecho internacional general, el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos y el derecho internacional criminal se interrelacionan con el derecho interno en situaciones de post-conflicto en NIACs es variada pero siempre permanente. Dependiendo del asunto sustantivo que se esté examinando, esta interacción será más o menos compleja. Se puede decir que el derecho internacional genera constantemente una interacción bidireccional. Exige garantías para la abolición de la impunidad, pero obliga al Estado a garantizar a quiénes de buena fe depongan las armas el pleno ejercicio y disfrute de sus derechos políticos y económicos, sociales y culturales. En este sentido, el derecho internacional no sólo impone límites a las concesiones del derecho en tiempos de paz, sino que en ocasiones sirve para apoyarlas. En conclusión, las concesiones analizadas en el acuerdo de paz lograron proporcionar vías para lograr el ‘bien mayor’ representado en una paz sostenible, a la vez que se cumplían plenamente los derechos de las víctimas, se alcanza la justicia en un sentido más amplio y restaurativo y se aportan valiosas novedades para los procesos de paz a la sombra del Estatuto de Roma. Teniendo en cuenta los análisis realizados en esta tesis, se puede corroborar que el surgimiento de un jus post bellum internum es factible, siempre que se mantenga la libertad de maniobra de los Estados, que les permita innovar en las negociaciones de paz, decidir sobre las concesiones y diseñar la transición.

This dissertation explores the reasons why beautification frameworks of cities supersede in practice a human rights-based understanding towards homeless people. Using the case study of Bogota, the paper shows how the local city government has a neoliberal discourse of citizens’ perception of security. As a prerequisite for the perception of security, this discourse emphasizes the importance of having clean, orderly and beautiful public spaces in the city. This conceptualization of the public space collides with the existence of homeless people in those spaces and labels their presence as undesirable. Furthermore, this discourse permeates police action towards homelessness and creates ambiguity in their duties as they must acknowledge a human rights-based understanding for the homeless, but also recognize their duty of maintaining and improving the security of the city. When facing this ambiguity, the police turn to their personal beliefs, biases and external pressures and end up criminalizing homeless presence in the city. Finally, this discourse of security perception justifies the appearance of urban renovation projects in the city centre that aim to beautify deteriorated buildings and neighborhoods with the purposes of attracting capital and tourism to boost the city’s economy. These projects also aim to reduce crime as those who frequent those derelict neighborhoods are being pushed out and excluded from the new renovated spaces. These factors are overshadowing the human rights-based national laws for homelessness as well as the rulings of the Constitutional Court of Colombia. Resumen: Esta tesis explora las razones por las cuales los discursos del embellecimiento de las ciudades sobrepasan el entendimiento basado en los derechos humanos de los habitantes de la calle. A través del caso de estudio de Bogotá, esta tesis muestra cómo el gobierno local de la ciudad tiene un discurso neoliberal sobre la percepción de seguridad de los ciudadanos y como prerrequisito de esta percepción de seguridad, este discurso enfatiza la importancia de tener espacios públicos limpios, ordenados y hermosos. Esta conceptualización del espacio público choca con la existencia de los habitantes de la calle en esos espacios y etiqueta su presencia como indeseable. Además, este discurso impregna la acción policial hacia los habitantes de la calle y crea ambigüedad en sus deberes, ya que deben reconocer un entendimiento basado en los derechos humanos para las personas sin hogar, pero también reconocer su deber de mantener y mejorar la seguridad de la ciudad. Al enfrentar esta ambigüedad, la policía recurre a sus creencias personales, prejuicios y presiones externas y termina criminalizando la presencia de personas sin hogar en la ciudad. Finalmente, este discurso de percepción de seguridad justifica la aparición de proyectos de renovación urbana en el centro de la ciudad que apuntan a embellecer edificios y vecindarios deteriorados con el propósito de atraer capital y turismo para impulsar la economía de la ciudad. Estos proyectos también tienen como objetivo reducir la delincuencia, ya que los que frecuentan esos barrios abandonados están siendo expulsados y excluidos de los nuevos espacios renovados. Estos factores están menoscabando as leyes nacionales basadas en los derechos humanos de los habitantes de la calle, así como los fallos de la Corte Constitucional de Colombia.

Le contrat de partenariat ou le marché de partenariat est un instrument lié à la réforme de l’administration et sa nouvelle gestion publique. Cet outil incarne la vision d’un courant économique néolibéral qui considère que les valeurs de l’efficacité, l’efficience, et la performance sont présents dans le secteur privé et qu’à travers certains partenariats, l’administration peut maîtriser et profiter de ces avantages. Depuis son arrivée en France, l’utilisation des Partenariat Public Privé comme outil alternatif aux voies classiques de la commande publique s’est répandue de façon rapide et très prometteuse. Au bout de plus de dix ans, différents organismes ont émis certains critiques qui pourraient aider à constituer un bilan initial entre les attentes et les résultats réels. Resumen: El contrato de Alianzas público privadas es un instrumento de reforma de la administración tomado de la nueva gestión pública (NGP). Esta herramienta encarna la visión de un modelo económico neoliberal que considera que los valores de eficiencia, efectividad y desempeño, están presentes en el sector privado y que, a través de ciertas alianzas con la administración pública, ésta puede aprender y aprovechar las cualidades del sector privado. Desde su llegada a Francia, el uso de las Alianzas Público Privadas como alternativa a los clásicos contratos públicos de contratación estatal se han expandido de manera rápida y con diversas promesas. A lo largo de los últimos diez años, las diversas organizaciones de control han realizado diferentes críticas que podrían poner en evidencia la diferencia entre las expectativas y los resultados reales de esta modalidad de contratación.

In representative democratic systems, governments are expected to act in the interest of citizens in a responsive manner. A core feature of democracy settings is accountability which is needed for citizens to judge the propriety and effectiveness representatives’ actions and decisions. Generally, elections are seen as the main accountability mechanisms but they have shown to be insufficient for citizens to control their representatives and effective democracy. Despite its importance, literature on the field shows significant variance in its conceptualization what has hindered the development of a fixed tool for the systematic and rigorous analysis of accountability. This research focuses on the relationship between citizens and their representatives to hold them accountable –social accountability– by means other than elections. Qualitative content analysis was employed by this research to critically compare and analyse eight prominent tools developed to assess the level or quality of accountability. Furthermore, I argue that the Between Elections Democracy framework and its core concepts (e.g. responsiveness, ongoing interactions) can help to advance but so far the approach has not included the study of accountability. Thus, this research contributes to fill a gap in the BED framework by identifying social accountability as relevant phenomena to study and including other actors besides governments as representatives. Another significant contribution is the proposal of an initial set of indicators for a systematic and comparative evaluation of social accountability. Resumen: En sistemas de democracia representativa, se espera que los gobiernos actúen respondiendo a los intereses de los ciudadanos. Una característica esencial de establecimientos democráticos es la accountability (rendición de cuentas), la cual es necesaria para que los ciudadanos juzguen la efectividad de las actuaciones y decisiones de sus representantes. Generalmente, las elecciones son vistas como el principal mecanismo para juzgar y ‘exigir’ cuentas, pero éstas han mostrado ser insuficientes para que los ciudadanos ejerzan control sobre sus representantes y procurar una democracia efectiva. A pesar de su importancia, la literatura en este campo muestra una significativa variedad en la conceptualización, lo que ha obstaculizado el desarrollo de una herramienta para el estudio riguroso y sistemático de accountability. Esta investigación se enfoca en la relación entre ciudadanos y sus representantes para ejercer control sobre estos últimos – rendición de cuentas social- por medios distintos a las elecciones. El análisis cualitativo de contenido fue utilizado para críticamente, comparar y analizar ocho herramientas destacadas, desarrolladas para evaluar niveles o calidad de accountability. Incluso, este trabajo argumenta que el marco teórico de Democracia Entre Elecciones (BED en inglés) que incluye conceptos como receptividad e interacción permanente puede ayudar a avanzar en la tarea, pero hasta ahora no ha sido aplicado al estudio de rendición de cuentas. De esta manera, esta investigación contribuye al marco BED al incluir la rendición de cuentas como un fenómeno relevante. Otra importante contribución es la propuesta de indicadores para el análisis sistemático y comparativo de la rendición de cuentas.

This dissertation explores the relationship between corruption and social trust in Colombia through a mixed methods study that combines descriptive statistics and semi-structured interviews. Two hypotheses are established: first, that corruption is a cause of low social trust and second, that there are external factors that affect the relationship between corruption and social trust. The analysis confirms both hypotheses as results show that there is a strong correlation between the two factors, corruption is a cause of low social trust in the country, and three main external factors affect this relationship in the national context, which are culture, violence and drug trafficking, and Catholicism.