Dia Nacional de la Memoria en el Deporte

Los tejedores del arte en Colombia. Cine. Camaleón detrás de Cantinflas. 360 grados. ¿Quién es, en verdad, Mazzanti? Entre fuegos. Los pupilos de Virgilio Martínez.

Transformacion del Instituto Universitario Nacional del Arte en Universidad Nacional de las Artes

Jennifer Lawrence. ¿Quién es esa chica? Sabores. Los cafés de la tercera ola. Hobbies. El club de los mini Morris. Bitácora. Ski desde las alturas.

Ley Organica de Cultura

El ambicioso plan de Taliana Vargas. Quiere transformar el país a través de su fundación. Si su futuro esposo decide lanzarse a la Alcaldía de Cali, podría ser la primera dama de esa ciudad. Francisco Antonio Cano. El pintor de la luz. Obra inédita en un libro de lujo. Los imperdibles del Festival de Música de Cartagena. 25 regalos perfectos. Entre $60.000 y $405 millones.

Modificacion de la ley 12665 que crea la Comision Nacional de Museos Monumentos y Lugares Historicos

La apología de los palos dados al pueblo placentino por los "señores antidisturbios" no busca justificar la violencia, sino relatar un suceso histórico. Durante la visita de los reyes Juan Carlos I y Sofía a Plasencia en marzo de 1977, la actuación de una Compañía de la Reserva General de la policía armada dejó una marca profunda en los habitantes de la ciudad. Aunque la visita fue calificada como un éxito, fue en Plasencia donde se vivieron momentos de confrontación y represión. Esta historia narra los hechos y su impacto en la comunidad.

Abstract: Human settlements have facilitated population growth and the accumulation of possessions, enabling their survival as a species. However, these positive effects have also brought along the generation of waste throughout history (Zapata&Hall, 2013). Local production of waste in urban centres has become a global issue, as an increasing population of 7 billion inhabitants (Worldometers, 2015) are daily discarding tonnes of objects and goods. By 2013, it was estimated that the generation of solid waste in the world had increased 10 times over the past century reaching 3.5 million tonnes per day (Jacquot, 2013). Two years later, this number is even higher. According with WasteAtlas (2015) we generate around 4.38 daily million tonnes of waste that usually end in dumpsites or landfills contrary to what happened in the nineteenth century, when practices of recycling and reusing were culturally and socially accepted. The culture of consumerism has come with a change on the perceptions of waste on the last decades by which we have adopted habits of throwing away, tied to constructed ideas about hygiene and the disposal of objects as a sign of prosperity and ease (Strasser, 2000). However, this new relation with waste has signified high social and environmental costs such as air and water pollution and emission of greenhouse gases (Hyman et al. 2013). Resumen: El concepto de basura responde a una clasificación definida por ideas construidas social y culturalmente. Así, prácticas como el reciclaje, anteriormente aceptadas, fueron, a través del tiempo, rechazadas por imaginarios sobre la higiene y por una sociedad de consumo. La cantidad de basura que se genera a diario en todas las ciudades del mundo, es sin duda uno de los mayores retos de nuestros tiempos. El manejo de residuos lleva consigo dinámicas ambientales y sociales que no pueden ser ignorados por la ciudadanía ni por el Estado. Esta investigación hace un análisis de algunas de las normas sobre el servicio público de aseo en Colombia y, en especial del caso de Bogotá desde el concepto de justicia ambiental, fundado en tres elementos: justa distribución de cargas y beneficios, reconocimiento y participación. Al encontrar que el modelo de aseo en Colombia ha estado basado principalmente en la generación de basuras y en la recolección y no en prácticas que contribuyan a la reducción, se presenta el caso de la Asociación de Recicladores de Bogotá y del manejo de residuos orgánicos para compostaje con el fin de conocer cómo la participación en estas dos alternativas puede contribuir a una ciudad ambientalmente más sostenible y sobretodo, más justa.

International recovery of illegal assets has received considerable attention in the last 25 years. International conventions against corruption, organized crime and terrorism have recognized its central importance for international and national security, development policy and the Rule of Law. International institutions such as the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the World Bank (WB) have created special units and programs to deliver and implement policy recommendations on the issue. Moreover, private organizations such as Transparency International and the Basel Institute on Governance have also engaged in supporting efforts done by States and local NGOs around the world, especially in developing countries. However all these initiatives to design and implement a comprehensive and effective framework to identify, trace, freeze, confiscate and recover illegal assets from abroad have not fulfilled the expectations of victims, civil society, States and international community. Extensive literature claims that political, legal and operational problems impede an effective approach to international recovery of illegal assets in the context of the fight against organized crime. Yet, there are no studies that consider international asset recovery in the context of peace negotiations between the State and illegal armed groups, where cooperation, compromise and mutual concessions are essential features of such situation. I argue that a peace process is a special opportunity for international asset recovery because in this context parties can create the incentives to overcome the key obstacles of ordinary asset recovery. Still, this requires to rethink international asset recovery in terms of restorative justice. I argue that a peace process setting is an exceptional background to create complementary, temporal and exceptional mechanisms by which illegal armed groups can effectively map, identify and cooperate with State authorities in order to recover, repatriate and liquidate their illegal assets from abroad. By pursuing this, the State would not only comply with the international standards of asset recovery, but also could fulfil the obligations owed to victims of international crimes. I claim that we should examine this new dimension of international asset recovery because most illegal armed groups involved in peace negotiations are also involved in drug trafficking, money laundering and terrorism at a global scale. This dissertation aims to link the standard literature of international asset recovery with the field of restorative justice, peace-making and transitional justice to explore a new a research agenda that could have relevant policy implications.