Abstract: This study on Venezuelan migration to post-conflict Colombia aims to explain how the reconstruction from conflict and forced migration processes have impacted women. It poses the question of how reconstruction approaches of Colombian and other Latin American civil society groups of women apply to Venezuelan migrant women in the border. Colombia hosts roughly 2 million Venezuelan migrants who have stayed despite the persistent violence caused partially by the turmoil of its politics in the post- conflict aftermath. Using testimonial accounts, the dissertation examines the distinct experiences of Venezuelan migrant women in the borderlands of Colombia. It reveals a blending of crises as the source of support networks. The imminent need to provide humanitarian assistance transformed in the creation of a system that opens the way to integration. From the emergency declaration, addendums to the law for Venezuelans to access the health care system to the adaptation for economic dynamics, women migrants find in Colombia a space for restart. Feasible peace processes in the region have gendered roots. This study claims that despite the recrudescence of violence in Colombia, Venezuelan migrants have an immaterial connection based on historic social, cultural roots that make it their country of preference over other border countries. Findings demonstrate there was an empirical gap in identifying one of the major triggers of the migration crisis. The binational tensions of August 2015 marked the starting point of one of the largest diasporas of the 21st Century.

Abstract: This article inquires about who is deemed a legitimate actor by international human rights law. It offers an analysis of the role of the Latin American Federation of Associations of Relatives of Disappeared Detainees (FEDEFAM) as a women-led leading organization in creating the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances (CED) in 2007. The article shows that the wives and daughters of the disappeared played a determinant role in their struggle against enforced disappearances, undermining the view of the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances (WGEID), which did not recognize their struggle in its early reports. The article also critiques how international human rights law uses colonial and patriarchal power to produce and exclude subjects. Finally, it concludes by offering an analysis of the affective dimensions of FEDEFAM’s struggle as an opportunity to rethink human rights grassroots women-led mobilizations as a place for resistance against dominant narratives in international human rights law.

Abstract: The promotion of education as a human right became part of the discourse of international aid agencies and banks since the end of WWII. Consequently, studies of development have examined the conditions under which education becomes a driver of socio-economic progress under three theories: “modernization”, “human capital”, and “dependency”. Previous research has not agreed on the impact of education on inequalities and mainly adopted a quantitative approach. This dissertation implements a mixed-methods approach to examine context-specific variables in comparative education with the “dependency” theory. The outbreak of COVID-19 in 2020 generated great losses in human capital accumulation. In Latin America, one of the most unequal regions in the world, the impact of school disruption increased drop-out rates and forced governments to generate measures to mitigate learning losses. This dissertation examines through a comparative analysis to what extent remote learning policies implemented during COVID-19 reduced inequality gaps in Chile and Colombia, with a particular focus on secondary education. Moreover, as intervening variables, it selects two neoliberal characteristics: privatization and government intervention. Colombia and Chile implemented multimodal education policies during COVID-19. However, in Colombia, school closures lasted longer than in Chile. The PISA exam forecast of the World Bank also suggests that education inequality gaps in secondary education increased after the pandemic, with greater inequalities in Colombia. Moreover, the Gini coefficient shows that Colombia has been more unequal than Chile before and after COVID-19. Lastly, the analysis of the intervening variables shows that remote learning policies were unable to reduce inequalities and mainly favoured private institutions and urban areas. Finally, as part of the lessons, this research suggests that the neo-liberal characteristics of both countries marked a difference in the implementation of policies. Moreover, the lack of information incentivised the adoption of good practices that become suitable policy alternatives when adapted to local needs. Lastly, this research evidences the need for LAC to include technological tools in their education systems to respond to future crises.

Abstract: While there is strong evidence of the association between oil wealth and internal armed conflicts, the literature is less conclusive about the processes linking the two. Despite myriad mechanisms hypothesised by the literature, much uncertainty still exists about the causal pathways between oil and armed conflicts. How does oil revenues affect the occurrence and course of internal armed conflicts in contexts of political decentralisation? The main argument of the thesis is that the control of abundant oil revenues by subnational governments contributes to shape the strategies undertaken by armed groups at the local level. Subnational governments become a prize for armed groups, which pursue oil revenues through the political capture of local democracy. The armed groups interfere with democracy through a mix of violent and non-violent strategies. The thesis identifies political connections between oil revenues and armed conflicts and traces mechanism which I term the subnational-government-astarget. The pathway contributes to explain how oil revenues can undermine the workings of the subnational government through the dynamics of the armed conflict. A comparative case study approach was implemented to examine how oil revenues affected conflict and public management at the subnational level in Colombia. Drawing on data collected over five months of fieldwork in oilroyalty-abundant municipalities, the thesis also constitutes one of the first studies to examine the effects of oil revenues accrued by non-oil-producing municipalities in Colombia. The qualitative and quantitative data was triangulated to carry out a process-tracing analysis covering the period from the early 1960s to 2017.

Abstract: Over twenty years passed since American and Canadian forces arrived in Afghanistan to start the War on Terrorism as a response to 9/11, and during this period, there has been an enormous controversy about the nature and the scope of the Afghanistan intervention. Amidst this controversy, this dissertation aims to unravel a strategic puzzle: why and how the United States and Canada adopted similar engagement levels, especially similar counterinsurgency (COIN) strategies between 2005/2006 and 2011. During this time, the United States and Canada fought against insurgent groups, sought to maintain stabilized areas by mentoring Afghan forces, and invested in infrastructure and governance. These goals, which corresponded to the ‘clear,’ ‘hold,’ and ‘build’ COIN components, entailed sending troops and civilian officials to a war zone and committing financial resources. According to structural realism as a dominant IR theory, the similarity of American and Canadian engagements constitutes a puzzle because this theory would expect that countries with different relative standings in the international system are meant to adopt different foreign and security policies. To unravel this puzzle, this dissertation uses neoclassical realism. Like a realist theory, it examines the effects of relative material capabilities on foreign policy, which is an essential factor in comparing American and Canadian foreign and security policies. Yet, unlike structural realism, it considers dimensions other than states’ relative standing, such as perceptions and domestic politics, which, along with the relative standing, help to unpack the puzzle above. Based on this theory, the central argument of this dissertation is that the similarity of American and Canadian engagements resulted from similar systemic stimuli from the post-9/11 strategic environment, foreign policy executives’ (FPE) similar strategic beliefs, and comparable abilities to mobilize domestic resources. By showing the occurrence of factors on both American and Canadian sides bringing about the outcome above, this dissertation seeks to undermine the ideas of the “Americanization” of Canadian foreign and security policy and the syndrome of “parochialism” of the United States regarding its Northern neighbour.

I analyzed the policy of the páramos in Colombia based on the debates about the prohibition of the mining and agricultural and cattle activities in the ecosystem of páramos. I made an institutional analysis of the policy based on the Ostrom’s theory of Common-Pool Resources (CPRs), and the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework, considering three types of resources units: water, minerals and hydrocarbons, and land. I showed how the policy was arranged towards its sustainability, as result of the interactions between social actors and the appropriators of the páramos’ natural resources, which emerged in the local, national and international arenas. Resumen: Analicé la política de los páramos en Colombia a partir de los debates que surgieron alrededor de la prohibición de actividades mineras y agropecuarias en los ecosistemas de páramos. Para lo cual, realicé de un análisis institucional basado en la teoría de los bienes comunes de Ostrom y en el Marco de Análisis Institucional y Desarrollo, considerando tres tipos de unidades de recursos: agua, minerales e hidrocarburos, y tierra. Demostré cómo la política fue influenciada hacia su sostenibilidad, por las interacciones entre actores sociales y apropiadores de los recursos del páramo que surgieron en las arenas local, nacional e internacional.

This paper reflects on the conceptual approach adopted, in international practice, to the design and implementation of initiatives to promote the rule of law at the national level. It pays particular attention to the understanding, in international practice, of the relationship between the rule of law, democracy, human rights and development. It does so by looking especially at the practice of the UN, and taking into account many empirical and theoretical studies. After first examining the predominant paradigm in the rule of law field adopted by the international community until 2010, and the evolution of international practice thereafter, it concludes that the observance of the rule of law in a given country is determined by political and economic structures, cultural norms, institutions and laws. On this basis, and acknowledging the critical importance of the adopted concepts of rule of law, democracy and human rights, it finds the increasing recognition by the UN of the mutually reinforcing impact of these notions as adequate. This approach allows greater attention to be paid to several socio-economic and political issues that significantly affect the observance of the rule of law in many developing countries, the main recipients of the work of the international community in this field. Based on these findings, it indicates areas for reform.

Currently, the peace agreement reached between the Colombian Government and the extinct guerrilla of the FARC, after more than five-decades of protracted NIAC, is of great interest to the international community. This thesis provides a scrutiny on a selection of core concessions granted in this peace agreement, now on implementation, aiming to corroborate their congruence with the objective of sustainable peace. In this endeavor, it is intended to identify the novelties and contributions to the law on post-conflict justice, to understand the interaction of international and domestic law, and, ultimately, to corroborate evidence for a prospective jus post bellum internum. In this sense, this thesis is exploratory in nature. One of the most relevant features of the peace agreement with the FARC is its holistic approach. All its processes and mechanisms are linked by a regime of conditionality and incentives, which ties the punitive, economic, and social benefits for the ex-fighters to their submission to the transitional justice regime, through verifiable contributions to truth, reparations to victims, and guarantees of non-recurrence. The analysis of the selection of concessions is framed under the broader topics of criminal accountability and punishment, and political, economic, and social reincorporation of ex-fighters. In relation to criminal accountability and punishment, the peace agreement presented a revolutionary idea in relation to special and alternative sanctions to imprisonment [with different levels of restriction of other rights] for jus cogens crimes, within a criminal Special Jurisdiction for Peace (‘SPJ’) with a predominant reparative justice approach, placing the victims in the center of every process. This novelty succeeded in providing alternatives in the traditional debate on granting amnesties for international crimes and the State’s duty to investigate, prosecute, and punish, while aiming for ‘just peace’. The success of this tribunal majorly relies on its own performance. Regarding political reincorporation for ex-fighters, States enjoy great margin of discretion in how to handle power-sharing and political participation of rebel groups. The participation of the FARC in politics is linked to the conditionality regime in the SJP and only when compatible with the special sanction would be feasible. Ensuring democratic platforms for those who lay down their arms peacefully is in fulfillment of equality, rather than a violation of it. Additionally, on the light of the rights of victims, this do not comprise a prohibition for perpetrators for taking part in politics and, on the contrary, their participation in the democratic fora is part of the overall non-recurrence strategy and as an example of reconciliation. In relation to economic and social reincorporation of ex-fighters, the main novelty resides in sequencing and linking the integral program of reincorporation to the SJP conditionality regime, connected to the fulfillment of the rights of victims. By identifying socially-productive projects, assisting not only the ex-fighters but their receiving communities, and focusing on activities such as demining and contributing to environment protection, the State fulfills its international obligations while complying with its internal IHRL obligations owed to the demobilized as vulnerable populations. It is shown that reincorporation processes are categorically dependent on the specific setting, the major challenges reside on the security threats to the ex-fighters and social leaders, and the strengthening of the collective programs seems a viable project for the long-term stabilization of the ex-fighters. The way in which general international law, IHL, IHRL, and ICL interrelate with domestic law in post-conflict situations of NIACs is varied but permanent. Depending on the substantive matter under scrutiny this interaction will be more or less complex. It can be said that international law constantly generates a two-way interaction. Demanding guarantees for abolishing impunity, but obliging the State to guarantee to those who in good faith lay down their arms the full exercise and enjoyment of their political and ESC rights. In this sense, international law not only imposes limits on concessions from peacetime law, but in occasions serves to support them. In conclusion, the analyzed concessions considered in the peace agreement succeeded in providing avenues for achieving the ‘greater good’ of sustainable peace, while fulfilling the rights of victims fully, attaining justice in a restorative and wider sense and contributing with valuable novelties for peace processes in the shadow of the Rome Statute. Bearing in mind the analyses made in this thesis, it can be corroborated that the emergence of a jus post bellum internum is feasible, provided that freedom of maneuver for States is maintained, allowing them to innovate in peace negotiations, deciding on concessions, and designing transitional systems that better suit their contexts, delivering meionexia [justice]. International law must inform States’ decisions, but the limits imposed are only derived from peremptory norms. In this sense, a jus post bellum internum has the potential to make more uniform and straight-forward the application of international law to different post-conflict contexts, without compromising the necessary flexibility for States to attain ‘just peace’. Resumen: Actualmente, el acuerdo de paz alcanzado entre el Gobierno colombiano y la extinta guerrilla de las FARC, después de más de cinco décadas de prolongado conflicto armado interno (NIAC por su acrónimo en inglés), es de gran interés para la comunidad internacional. Esta tesis examina una selección de concesiones fundamentales otorgadas en este acuerdo de paz, ahora en ejecución, con el objetivo de corroborar su congruencia con el objetivo de una paz sostenible. En este esfuerzo, se pretende identificar las novedades y contribuciones al derecho sobre la justicia en situaciones de post-conflicto, comprender la interacción entre el derecho internacional y el derecho interno y, en última instancia, corroborar evidencia para la existencia de un posible jus post bellum internum. En este sentido, esta tesis tiene una naturaleza exploratoria. Una de las características más relevantes del acuerdo de paz con las FARC es su enfoque holístico. Todos sus procesos y mecanismos están vinculados por un régimen de condicionalidad e incentivos, que vincula los beneficios punitivos, económicos y sociales para los ex combatientes a su sometimiento al régimen de justicia transicional, a través de contribuciones verificables a la verdad, reparaciones a las víctimas y garantías de no recurrencia. El análisis de la selección de concesiones se enmarca en los temas más amplios de la responsabilidad penal y el castigo, y la reincorporación política, económica y social de los ex combatientes. En relación con la responsabilidad penal y el castigo, el acuerdo de paz presentó una idea revolucionaria en relación con las sanciones especiales y alternativas al encarcelamiento [con diferentes niveles de restricción de otros derechos] por delitos de jus cogens, dentro de una Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (‘JEP’) penal con un enfoque predominante de justicia reparadora, colocando a las víctimas en el centro de cada proceso. Esta novedad logró ofrecer alternativas en el debate tradicional sobre la concesión de amnistías por crímenes internacionales y el deber del Estado de investigar, enjuiciar y castigar, al tiempo que buscaba una paz justa. El éxito de este tribunal depende en gran medida de su propia actuación. En cuanto a la reincorporación política de los ex combatientes, los Estados gozan de un gran margen de discrecionalidad en cuanto a la forma de manejar la distribución del poder y la participación política de los grupos rebeldes. La participación de las FARC en la política está ligada al régimen de condicionalidad del JEP y sólo cuando sea compatible con la sanción especial sería factible. Garantizar plataformas democráticas para aquellos que deponen las armas pacíficamente es una acción en cumplimiento de la igualdad y no una violación de la misma. Además, a la luz de los derechos de las víctimas, éstos no incluyen la prohibición de que los perpetradores participen en la política y, por el contrario, su participación en los foros democráticos forma parte de la estrategia general de no recurrencia y es un ejemplo de reconciliación. En relación a la reincorporación económica y social de los ex combatientes, la principal novedad reside en la secuenciación y vinculación del programa integral de reincorporación al régimen de condicionalidad del JEP, vinculado al cumplimiento a las víctimas y garantía a sus derechos. Mediante la identificación de proyectos socialmente productivos, la asistencia no sólo a los ex combatientes, sino también a las comunidades que los acogen, y su concentración en actividades como el desminado y la contribución a la protección del medio ambiente, el Estado cumple con sus obligaciones internacionales al tiempo que cumple con sus obligaciones internas en relación con los desmovilizados en su condición de poblaciones vulnerables. Se demuestra que los procesos de reincorporación dependen categóricamente del contexto específico en el que se dan, los principales desafíos residen en las amenazas a la seguridad de los ex combatientes y líderes sociales, y el fortalecimiento de los programas colectivos parece un proyecto viable para la estabilización a largo plazo de los ex milicianos. La forma en que el derecho internacional general, el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos y el derecho internacional criminal se interrelacionan con el derecho interno en situaciones de post-conflicto en NIACs es variada pero siempre permanente. Dependiendo del asunto sustantivo que se esté examinando, esta interacción será más o menos compleja. Se puede decir que el derecho internacional genera constantemente una interacción bidireccional. Exige garantías para la abolición de la impunidad, pero obliga al Estado a garantizar a quiénes de buena fe depongan las armas el pleno ejercicio y disfrute de sus derechos políticos y económicos, sociales y culturales. En este sentido, el derecho internacional no sólo impone límites a las concesiones del derecho en tiempos de paz, sino que en ocasiones sirve para apoyarlas. En conclusión, las concesiones analizadas en el acuerdo de paz lograron proporcionar vías para lograr el ‘bien mayor’ representado en una paz sostenible, a la vez que se cumplían plenamente los derechos de las víctimas, se alcanza la justicia en un sentido más amplio y restaurativo y se aportan valiosas novedades para los procesos de paz a la sombra del Estatuto de Roma. Teniendo en cuenta los análisis realizados en esta tesis, se puede corroborar que el surgimiento de un jus post bellum internum es factible, siempre que se mantenga la libertad de maniobra de los Estados, que les permita innovar en las negociaciones de paz, decidir sobre las concesiones y diseñar la transición.

La Batalla de Bomboná se desarrolló el 7 de abril de 1822 en el actual departamento de Nariño, cerca del volcán Galeras, y se enmarca en la llamada Campaña del Sur, a través de la cual Simón Bolívar pretendía dominar Pasto y Quito, donde seguían siendo leales a la Corona Española. En la ruta de los ejércitos realistas hacia Quito, las tropas realistas, al mando de Basilio García, atacaron. Las consecuencias de esta batalla fueron desfavorables para ambos bandos, que sufrieron grandes pérdidas.

Le contrat de partenariat ou le marché de partenariat est un instrument lié à la réforme de l’administration et sa nouvelle gestion publique. Cet outil incarne la vision d’un courant économique néolibéral qui considère que les valeurs de l’efficacité, l’efficience, et la performance sont présents dans le secteur privé et qu’à travers certains partenariats, l’administration peut maîtriser et profiter de ces avantages. Depuis son arrivée en France, l’utilisation des Partenariat Public Privé comme outil alternatif aux voies classiques de la commande publique s’est répandue de façon rapide et très prometteuse. Au bout de plus de dix ans, différents organismes ont émis certains critiques qui pourraient aider à constituer un bilan initial entre les attentes et les résultats réels. Resumen: El contrato de Alianzas público privadas es un instrumento de reforma de la administración tomado de la nueva gestión pública (NGP). Esta herramienta encarna la visión de un modelo económico neoliberal que considera que los valores de eficiencia, efectividad y desempeño, están presentes en el sector privado y que, a través de ciertas alianzas con la administración pública, ésta puede aprender y aprovechar las cualidades del sector privado. Desde su llegada a Francia, el uso de las Alianzas Público Privadas como alternativa a los clásicos contratos públicos de contratación estatal se han expandido de manera rápida y con diversas promesas. A lo largo de los últimos diez años, las diversas organizaciones de control han realizado diferentes críticas que podrían poner en evidencia la diferencia entre las expectativas y los resultados reales de esta modalidad de contratación.