Dejusticia, Fundación Karisma, and Privacy International wish to raise concerns regarding the protection of the rights to freedom of expression and opinion, to privacy, and to personal data protection; the shutdown of civil society spaces; protection of the right to protest; and protection of the rights of the Venezuelan migrant and refugee population, for consideration in the upcoming review of Colombia at the 44th session of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review. Descripción tomada del boletín.

Dejusticia, Fundación Karisma y Privacy International desean plantear ciertas preocupaciones sobre la protección de los derechos a la libertad de expresión y de opinión, la intimidad, la protección de datos personales, el cierre de espacios de la sociedad civil y el derecho a la protesta y los derechos de la población migrante y refugiada venezolana, con el propósito de que sean consideradas en el próximo examen de Colombia en el 44º período de sesiones del Grupo de Trabajo sobre el Examen Periódico Universal. Descripción tomada del boletín.

Abstract: This thesis analyzes how former Colombian Presidents Laureano Gómez Castro and Álvaro Uribe Vélez utilized their speeches to advance autocratic agendas under the guise of protecting democracy and pluralism. This research employed Discourse Analysis as proposed by Teun Van Dijk, aiming to detail symbolic violence through speeches that, although seemingly promoting democracy, concealed attacks on their opponents. It was discovered that both leaders, through their rhetoric and actions, persuaded the political space towards an exclusive regime, promoting a state that, under promises of inclusion and democracy, fostered exclusion and weakened democratic institutions. The results also suggest that while in power, the 3 former presidents moderated their speeches to include the opposition, a practice not observed while they were in opposition, where they were more visceral in their attacks. The analysis of the information was conducted on two levels. First, the concepts that appear most frequently in each one's speeches were recovered to explain their existence. Then, the information was classified according to the categories proposed by the researcher to understand how they used their speeches for two main purposes: first, to empathize with most of the population, and second, to create an internal enemy to attack. When referring to the former, they depict a plural country where everyone can participate, and when discussing the latter, which grouped the opponents of their mandate, their eradication was justified because they opposed the democratic regime. In creating their nemesis, both knew how to use the population's fears: communists, in the case of Gómez; and terrorists, in the case of Uribe. Resumen: La presente tesis analiza cómo los expresidentes de Colombia, Laureano Gómez Castro y Álvaro Uribe Vélez, utilizaron sus discursos para avanzar en agendas autocráticas bajo la apariencia de proteger la democracia y el pluralismo. Esta investigación usó el Análisis de Discurso como lo planteó Teun Van Dijk y buscó detallar la violencia simbólica, a través de discursos que, aunque parecían promover la democracia, escondían ataques a sus opositores. Se descubre que ambos líderes, a través de su retórica y sus acciones, persuadían el espacio político hacia un régimen excluyente, promoviendo un estado que, bajo promesas de inclusión y democracia, fomentaba la exclusión y debilitaba las instituciones democráticas. Los resultados también sugieren que mientras estuvieron en el poder, los expresidentes moderaron sus discursos para incluir a la oposición, lo que no ocurrió mientras estuvieron en la oposición, en la que fueron más viscerales en sus ataques. El análisis de la información se hizo en dos niveles. Primero, se recuperaron los conceptos que más aparecen en los discursos de cada uno para explicar la existencia de estos. Después, se clasificó la información de acuerdo con las categorías propuestas por el investigador para entender cómo utilizaron sus discursos con dos fines principales: primero, para empatizar con el grueso de la población, y segundo para crear un enemigo interno al que atacar. Cuando se refieren al primero, muestran un país plural en donde todos pueden participar, y cuando hablan del segundo, que agrupaba a los opositores de su mandato, se justificaba su erradicación porque se oponían al régimen democrático. En la creación de su némesis, ambos supieron usar los miedos de la población: los comunistas, en el caso de Gómez; y los terroristas, en el caso de Uribe.

Abstract: Over twenty years passed since American and Canadian forces arrived in Afghanistan to start the War on Terrorism as a response to 9/11, and during this period, there has been an enormous controversy about the nature and the scope of the Afghanistan intervention. Amidst this controversy, this dissertation aims to unravel a strategic puzzle: why and how the United States and Canada adopted similar engagement levels, especially similar counterinsurgency (COIN) strategies between 2005/2006 and 2011. During this time, the United States and Canada fought against insurgent groups, sought to maintain stabilized areas by mentoring Afghan forces, and invested in infrastructure and governance. These goals, which corresponded to the ‘clear,’ ‘hold,’ and ‘build’ COIN components, entailed sending troops and civilian officials to a war zone and committing financial resources. According to structural realism as a dominant IR theory, the similarity of American and Canadian engagements constitutes a puzzle because this theory would expect that countries with different relative standings in the international system are meant to adopt different foreign and security policies. To unravel this puzzle, this dissertation uses neoclassical realism. Like a realist theory, it examines the effects of relative material capabilities on foreign policy, which is an essential factor in comparing American and Canadian foreign and security policies. Yet, unlike structural realism, it considers dimensions other than states’ relative standing, such as perceptions and domestic politics, which, along with the relative standing, help to unpack the puzzle above. Based on this theory, the central argument of this dissertation is that the similarity of American and Canadian engagements resulted from similar systemic stimuli from the post-9/11 strategic environment, foreign policy executives’ (FPE) similar strategic beliefs, and comparable abilities to mobilize domestic resources. By showing the occurrence of factors on both American and Canadian sides bringing about the outcome above, this dissertation seeks to undermine the ideas of the “Americanization” of Canadian foreign and security policy and the syndrome of “parochialism” of the United States regarding its Northern neighbour.

Abstract: The promotion of education as a human right became part of the discourse of international aid agencies and banks since the end of WWII. Consequently, studies of development have examined the conditions under which education becomes a driver of socio-economic progress under three theories: “modernization”, “human capital”, and “dependency”. Previous research has not agreed on the impact of education on inequalities and mainly adopted a quantitative approach. This dissertation implements a mixed-methods approach to examine context-specific variables in comparative education with the “dependency” theory. The outbreak of COVID-19 in 2020 generated great losses in human capital accumulation. In Latin America, one of the most unequal regions in the world, the impact of school disruption increased drop-out rates and forced governments to generate measures to mitigate learning losses. This dissertation examines through a comparative analysis to what extent remote learning policies implemented during COVID-19 reduced inequality gaps in Chile and Colombia, with a particular focus on secondary education. Moreover, as intervening variables, it selects two neoliberal characteristics: privatization and government intervention. Colombia and Chile implemented multimodal education policies during COVID-19. However, in Colombia, school closures lasted longer than in Chile. The PISA exam forecast of the World Bank also suggests that education inequality gaps in secondary education increased after the pandemic, with greater inequalities in Colombia. Moreover, the Gini coefficient shows that Colombia has been more unequal than Chile before and after COVID-19. Lastly, the analysis of the intervening variables shows that remote learning policies were unable to reduce inequalities and mainly favoured private institutions and urban areas. Finally, as part of the lessons, this research suggests that the neo-liberal characteristics of both countries marked a difference in the implementation of policies. Moreover, the lack of information incentivised the adoption of good practices that become suitable policy alternatives when adapted to local needs. Lastly, this research evidences the need for LAC to include technological tools in their education systems to respond to future crises.

Abstract: This article inquires about who is deemed a legitimate actor by international human rights law. It offers an analysis of the role of the Latin American Federation of Associations of Relatives of Disappeared Detainees (FEDEFAM) as a women-led leading organization in creating the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances (CED) in 2007. The article shows that the wives and daughters of the disappeared played a determinant role in their struggle against enforced disappearances, undermining the view of the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances (WGEID), which did not recognize their struggle in its early reports. The article also critiques how international human rights law uses colonial and patriarchal power to produce and exclude subjects. Finally, it concludes by offering an analysis of the affective dimensions of FEDEFAM’s struggle as an opportunity to rethink human rights grassroots women-led mobilizations as a place for resistance against dominant narratives in international human rights law.

Abstract: Conflicts have a strong impact on land tenure, use, distribution, accessibility, and governance; consequently, a sustainable strategy for peacebuilding requires the set-up of land-based institutional arrangements from the peace negotiation phase onwards. Based on the concept of territorial peace, these arrangements have a key role in the reconstruction of the collective, productive, and symbolic functions of the territory after conflicts, and in addressing conflict root causes related to land inequality. This paper contributes to the development of the concept of territorial peace by providing a framework for its operationalization, based on three categories of arrangements, and testing it, to qualitatively explore and compare two comprehensive peace agreements: Colombia and the Philippines. Land may take the role of peacemaker in addressing territorial peace’s collective dimensions, especially when it is at the core of a peace agreement; however, its implementation remains volatile if it lacks trust, security, and technical capacity. Resumen: Los conflictos tienen un fuerte impacto en la tenencia, el uso, la distribución, la accesibilidad y la gobernanza de la tierra; en consecuencia, una estrategia sostenible para la consolidación de la paz requiere la creación de acuerdos institucionales basados en la tierra desde la fase de negociación de la paz. Basados en el concepto de paz territorial, estos acuerdos tienen un papel clave en la reconstrucción de las funciones colectivas, productivas y simbólicas del territorio después de los conflictos, y en el tratamiento de las causas profundas del conflicto relacionadas con la desigualdad de la tierra. Este trabajo contribuye al desarrollo del concepto de paz territorial proporcionando un marco para su operacionalización, basado en tres categorías de arreglos, y poniéndolo a prueba, para explorar y comparar cualitativamente dos acuerdos de paz integrales: Colombia y Filipinas. La tierra puede desempeñar el papel de pacificador al abordar las dimensiones colectivas de la paz territorial, especialmente cuando está en el centro de un acuerdo de paz; sin embargo, su aplicación sigue siendo volátil si carece de confianza, seguridad y capacidad técnica.

Abstract: This study on Venezuelan migration to post-conflict Colombia aims to explain how the reconstruction from conflict and forced migration processes have impacted women. It poses the question of how reconstruction approaches of Colombian and other Latin American civil society groups of women apply to Venezuelan migrant women in the border. Colombia hosts roughly 2 million Venezuelan migrants who have stayed despite the persistent violence caused partially by the turmoil of its politics in the post- conflict aftermath. Using testimonial accounts, the dissertation examines the distinct experiences of Venezuelan migrant women in the borderlands of Colombia. It reveals a blending of crises as the source of support networks. The imminent need to provide humanitarian assistance transformed in the creation of a system that opens the way to integration. From the emergency declaration, addendums to the law for Venezuelans to access the health care system to the adaptation for economic dynamics, women migrants find in Colombia a space for restart. Feasible peace processes in the region have gendered roots. This study claims that despite the recrudescence of violence in Colombia, Venezuelan migrants have an immaterial connection based on historic social, cultural roots that make it their country of preference over other border countries. Findings demonstrate there was an empirical gap in identifying one of the major triggers of the migration crisis. The binational tensions of August 2015 marked the starting point of one of the largest diasporas of the 21st Century.

This dissertation explores the relationship between corruption and social trust in Colombia through a mixed methods study that combines descriptive statistics and semi-structured interviews. Two hypotheses are established: first, that corruption is a cause of low social trust and second, that there are external factors that affect the relationship between corruption and social trust. The analysis confirms both hypotheses as results show that there is a strong correlation between the two factors, corruption is a cause of low social trust in the country, and three main external factors affect this relationship in the national context, which are culture, violence and drug trafficking, and Catholicism.

Currently, the peace agreement reached between the Colombian Government and the extinct guerrilla of the FARC, after more than five-decades of protracted NIAC, is of great interest to the international community. This thesis provides a scrutiny on a selection of core concessions granted in this peace agreement, now on implementation, aiming to corroborate their congruence with the objective of sustainable peace. In this endeavor, it is intended to identify the novelties and contributions to the law on post-conflict justice, to understand the interaction of international and domestic law, and, ultimately, to corroborate evidence for a prospective jus post bellum internum. In this sense, this thesis is exploratory in nature. One of the most relevant features of the peace agreement with the FARC is its holistic approach. All its processes and mechanisms are linked by a regime of conditionality and incentives, which ties the punitive, economic, and social benefits for the ex-fighters to their submission to the transitional justice regime, through verifiable contributions to truth, reparations to victims, and guarantees of non-recurrence. The analysis of the selection of concessions is framed under the broader topics of criminal accountability and punishment, and political, economic, and social reincorporation of ex-fighters. In relation to criminal accountability and punishment, the peace agreement presented a revolutionary idea in relation to special and alternative sanctions to imprisonment [with different levels of restriction of other rights] for jus cogens crimes, within a criminal Special Jurisdiction for Peace (‘SPJ’) with a predominant reparative justice approach, placing the victims in the center of every process. This novelty succeeded in providing alternatives in the traditional debate on granting amnesties for international crimes and the State’s duty to investigate, prosecute, and punish, while aiming for ‘just peace’. The success of this tribunal majorly relies on its own performance. Regarding political reincorporation for ex-fighters, States enjoy great margin of discretion in how to handle power-sharing and political participation of rebel groups. The participation of the FARC in politics is linked to the conditionality regime in the SJP and only when compatible with the special sanction would be feasible. Ensuring democratic platforms for those who lay down their arms peacefully is in fulfillment of equality, rather than a violation of it. Additionally, on the light of the rights of victims, this do not comprise a prohibition for perpetrators for taking part in politics and, on the contrary, their participation in the democratic fora is part of the overall non-recurrence strategy and as an example of reconciliation. In relation to economic and social reincorporation of ex-fighters, the main novelty resides in sequencing and linking the integral program of reincorporation to the SJP conditionality regime, connected to the fulfillment of the rights of victims. By identifying socially-productive projects, assisting not only the ex-fighters but their receiving communities, and focusing on activities such as demining and contributing to environment protection, the State fulfills its international obligations while complying with its internal IHRL obligations owed to the demobilized as vulnerable populations. It is shown that reincorporation processes are categorically dependent on the specific setting, the major challenges reside on the security threats to the ex-fighters and social leaders, and the strengthening of the collective programs seems a viable project for the long-term stabilization of the ex-fighters. The way in which general international law, IHL, IHRL, and ICL interrelate with domestic law in post-conflict situations of NIACs is varied but permanent. Depending on the substantive matter under scrutiny this interaction will be more or less complex. It can be said that international law constantly generates a two-way interaction. Demanding guarantees for abolishing impunity, but obliging the State to guarantee to those who in good faith lay down their arms the full exercise and enjoyment of their political and ESC rights. In this sense, international law not only imposes limits on concessions from peacetime law, but in occasions serves to support them. In conclusion, the analyzed concessions considered in the peace agreement succeeded in providing avenues for achieving the ‘greater good’ of sustainable peace, while fulfilling the rights of victims fully, attaining justice in a restorative and wider sense and contributing with valuable novelties for peace processes in the shadow of the Rome Statute. Bearing in mind the analyses made in this thesis, it can be corroborated that the emergence of a jus post bellum internum is feasible, provided that freedom of maneuver for States is maintained, allowing them to innovate in peace negotiations, deciding on concessions, and designing transitional systems that better suit their contexts, delivering meionexia [justice]. International law must inform States’ decisions, but the limits imposed are only derived from peremptory norms. In this sense, a jus post bellum internum has the potential to make more uniform and straight-forward the application of international law to different post-conflict contexts, without compromising the necessary flexibility for States to attain ‘just peace’. Resumen: Actualmente, el acuerdo de paz alcanzado entre el Gobierno colombiano y la extinta guerrilla de las FARC, después de más de cinco décadas de prolongado conflicto armado interno (NIAC por su acrónimo en inglés), es de gran interés para la comunidad internacional. Esta tesis examina una selección de concesiones fundamentales otorgadas en este acuerdo de paz, ahora en ejecución, con el objetivo de corroborar su congruencia con el objetivo de una paz sostenible. En este esfuerzo, se pretende identificar las novedades y contribuciones al derecho sobre la justicia en situaciones de post-conflicto, comprender la interacción entre el derecho internacional y el derecho interno y, en última instancia, corroborar evidencia para la existencia de un posible jus post bellum internum. En este sentido, esta tesis tiene una naturaleza exploratoria. Una de las características más relevantes del acuerdo de paz con las FARC es su enfoque holístico. Todos sus procesos y mecanismos están vinculados por un régimen de condicionalidad e incentivos, que vincula los beneficios punitivos, económicos y sociales para los ex combatientes a su sometimiento al régimen de justicia transicional, a través de contribuciones verificables a la verdad, reparaciones a las víctimas y garantías de no recurrencia. El análisis de la selección de concesiones se enmarca en los temas más amplios de la responsabilidad penal y el castigo, y la reincorporación política, económica y social de los ex combatientes. En relación con la responsabilidad penal y el castigo, el acuerdo de paz presentó una idea revolucionaria en relación con las sanciones especiales y alternativas al encarcelamiento [con diferentes niveles de restricción de otros derechos] por delitos de jus cogens, dentro de una Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (‘JEP’) penal con un enfoque predominante de justicia reparadora, colocando a las víctimas en el centro de cada proceso. Esta novedad logró ofrecer alternativas en el debate tradicional sobre la concesión de amnistías por crímenes internacionales y el deber del Estado de investigar, enjuiciar y castigar, al tiempo que buscaba una paz justa. El éxito de este tribunal depende en gran medida de su propia actuación. En cuanto a la reincorporación política de los ex combatientes, los Estados gozan de un gran margen de discrecionalidad en cuanto a la forma de manejar la distribución del poder y la participación política de los grupos rebeldes. La participación de las FARC en la política está ligada al régimen de condicionalidad del JEP y sólo cuando sea compatible con la sanción especial sería factible. Garantizar plataformas democráticas para aquellos que deponen las armas pacíficamente es una acción en cumplimiento de la igualdad y no una violación de la misma. Además, a la luz de los derechos de las víctimas, éstos no incluyen la prohibición de que los perpetradores participen en la política y, por el contrario, su participación en los foros democráticos forma parte de la estrategia general de no recurrencia y es un ejemplo de reconciliación. En relación a la reincorporación económica y social de los ex combatientes, la principal novedad reside en la secuenciación y vinculación del programa integral de reincorporación al régimen de condicionalidad del JEP, vinculado al cumplimiento a las víctimas y garantía a sus derechos. Mediante la identificación de proyectos socialmente productivos, la asistencia no sólo a los ex combatientes, sino también a las comunidades que los acogen, y su concentración en actividades como el desminado y la contribución a la protección del medio ambiente, el Estado cumple con sus obligaciones internacionales al tiempo que cumple con sus obligaciones internas en relación con los desmovilizados en su condición de poblaciones vulnerables. Se demuestra que los procesos de reincorporación dependen categóricamente del contexto específico en el que se dan, los principales desafíos residen en las amenazas a la seguridad de los ex combatientes y líderes sociales, y el fortalecimiento de los programas colectivos parece un proyecto viable para la estabilización a largo plazo de los ex milicianos. La forma en que el derecho internacional general, el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos y el derecho internacional criminal se interrelacionan con el derecho interno en situaciones de post-conflicto en NIACs es variada pero siempre permanente. Dependiendo del asunto sustantivo que se esté examinando, esta interacción será más o menos compleja. Se puede decir que el derecho internacional genera constantemente una interacción bidireccional. Exige garantías para la abolición de la impunidad, pero obliga al Estado a garantizar a quiénes de buena fe depongan las armas el pleno ejercicio y disfrute de sus derechos políticos y económicos, sociales y culturales. En este sentido, el derecho internacional no sólo impone límites a las concesiones del derecho en tiempos de paz, sino que en ocasiones sirve para apoyarlas. En conclusión, las concesiones analizadas en el acuerdo de paz lograron proporcionar vías para lograr el ‘bien mayor’ representado en una paz sostenible, a la vez que se cumplían plenamente los derechos de las víctimas, se alcanza la justicia en un sentido más amplio y restaurativo y se aportan valiosas novedades para los procesos de paz a la sombra del Estatuto de Roma. Teniendo en cuenta los análisis realizados en esta tesis, se puede corroborar que el surgimiento de un jus post bellum internum es factible, siempre que se mantenga la libertad de maniobra de los Estados, que les permita innovar en las negociaciones de paz, decidir sobre las concesiones y diseñar la transición.