Abstract: Over twenty years passed since American and Canadian forces arrived in Afghanistan to start the War on Terrorism as a response to 9/11, and during this period, there has been an enormous controversy about the nature and the scope of the Afghanistan intervention. Amidst this controversy, this dissertation aims to unravel a strategic puzzle: why and how the United States and Canada adopted similar engagement levels, especially similar counterinsurgency (COIN) strategies between 2005/2006 and 2011. During this time, the United States and Canada fought against insurgent groups, sought to maintain stabilized areas by mentoring Afghan forces, and invested in infrastructure and governance. These goals, which corresponded to the ‘clear,’ ‘hold,’ and ‘build’ COIN components, entailed sending troops and civilian officials to a war zone and committing financial resources. According to structural realism as a dominant IR theory, the similarity of American and Canadian engagements constitutes a puzzle because this theory would expect that countries with different relative standings in the international system are meant to adopt different foreign and security policies. To unravel this puzzle, this dissertation uses neoclassical realism. Like a realist theory, it examines the effects of relative material capabilities on foreign policy, which is an essential factor in comparing American and Canadian foreign and security policies. Yet, unlike structural realism, it considers dimensions other than states’ relative standing, such as perceptions and domestic politics, which, along with the relative standing, help to unpack the puzzle above. Based on this theory, the central argument of this dissertation is that the similarity of American and Canadian engagements resulted from similar systemic stimuli from the post-9/11 strategic environment, foreign policy executives’ (FPE) similar strategic beliefs, and comparable abilities to mobilize domestic resources. By showing the occurrence of factors on both American and Canadian sides bringing about the outcome above, this dissertation seeks to undermine the ideas of the “Americanization” of Canadian foreign and security policy and the syndrome of “parochialism” of the United States regarding its Northern neighbour.

Abstract: While there is strong evidence of the association between oil wealth and internal armed conflicts, the literature is less conclusive about the processes linking the two. Despite myriad mechanisms hypothesised by the literature, much uncertainty still exists about the causal pathways between oil and armed conflicts. How does oil revenues affect the occurrence and course of internal armed conflicts in contexts of political decentralisation? The main argument of the thesis is that the control of abundant oil revenues by subnational governments contributes to shape the strategies undertaken by armed groups at the local level. Subnational governments become a prize for armed groups, which pursue oil revenues through the political capture of local democracy. The armed groups interfere with democracy through a mix of violent and non-violent strategies. The thesis identifies political connections between oil revenues and armed conflicts and traces mechanism which I term the subnational-government-astarget. The pathway contributes to explain how oil revenues can undermine the workings of the subnational government through the dynamics of the armed conflict. A comparative case study approach was implemented to examine how oil revenues affected conflict and public management at the subnational level in Colombia. Drawing on data collected over five months of fieldwork in oilroyalty-abundant municipalities, the thesis also constitutes one of the first studies to examine the effects of oil revenues accrued by non-oil-producing municipalities in Colombia. The qualitative and quantitative data was triangulated to carry out a process-tracing analysis covering the period from the early 1960s to 2017.

Abstract: The promotion of education as a human right became part of the discourse of international aid agencies and banks since the end of WWII. Consequently, studies of development have examined the conditions under which education becomes a driver of socio-economic progress under three theories: “modernization”, “human capital”, and “dependency”. Previous research has not agreed on the impact of education on inequalities and mainly adopted a quantitative approach. This dissertation implements a mixed-methods approach to examine context-specific variables in comparative education with the “dependency” theory. The outbreak of COVID-19 in 2020 generated great losses in human capital accumulation. In Latin America, one of the most unequal regions in the world, the impact of school disruption increased drop-out rates and forced governments to generate measures to mitigate learning losses. This dissertation examines through a comparative analysis to what extent remote learning policies implemented during COVID-19 reduced inequality gaps in Chile and Colombia, with a particular focus on secondary education. Moreover, as intervening variables, it selects two neoliberal characteristics: privatization and government intervention. Colombia and Chile implemented multimodal education policies during COVID-19. However, in Colombia, school closures lasted longer than in Chile. The PISA exam forecast of the World Bank also suggests that education inequality gaps in secondary education increased after the pandemic, with greater inequalities in Colombia. Moreover, the Gini coefficient shows that Colombia has been more unequal than Chile before and after COVID-19. Lastly, the analysis of the intervening variables shows that remote learning policies were unable to reduce inequalities and mainly favoured private institutions and urban areas. Finally, as part of the lessons, this research suggests that the neo-liberal characteristics of both countries marked a difference in the implementation of policies. Moreover, the lack of information incentivised the adoption of good practices that become suitable policy alternatives when adapted to local needs. Lastly, this research evidences the need for LAC to include technological tools in their education systems to respond to future crises.

Abstract: This article inquires about who is deemed a legitimate actor by international human rights law. It offers an analysis of the role of the Latin American Federation of Associations of Relatives of Disappeared Detainees (FEDEFAM) as a women-led leading organization in creating the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances (CED) in 2007. The article shows that the wives and daughters of the disappeared played a determinant role in their struggle against enforced disappearances, undermining the view of the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances (WGEID), which did not recognize their struggle in its early reports. The article also critiques how international human rights law uses colonial and patriarchal power to produce and exclude subjects. Finally, it concludes by offering an analysis of the affective dimensions of FEDEFAM’s struggle as an opportunity to rethink human rights grassroots women-led mobilizations as a place for resistance against dominant narratives in international human rights law.

Abstract: This research paper describes and analyses the defining moments in the journey of healing from sexual violence in the context of armed conflict in Colombia. Following the experience of three women of Tamboreras del Cauca, it identifies the external and internal re- sources that facilitated their journey. Taking reconciliation as the approach and some models as reference, was possible to place this experience as an example of what it takes to restore people's story and relation- ships after trauma and how this could be a work in progress towards reconciliation in times of post-agreement in Colombia. Through in-depth interviewing, I could get close to their stories, and unfold from their narratives, what and how each element has contributed to their transformation, from the individual to the collective space. In particular, the role of the arts and metaphors to reach new levels to understand how to address traumatic experiences. From there, bring attention to the creative act and imagination behind reconciliation as a condition, in the log-term, to stable peace.

Abstract: Conflicts have a strong impact on land tenure, use, distribution, accessibility, and governance; consequently, a sustainable strategy for peacebuilding requires the set-up of land-based institutional arrangements from the peace negotiation phase onwards. Based on the concept of territorial peace, these arrangements have a key role in the reconstruction of the collective, productive, and symbolic functions of the territory after conflicts, and in addressing conflict root causes related to land inequality. This paper contributes to the development of the concept of territorial peace by providing a framework for its operationalization, based on three categories of arrangements, and testing it, to qualitatively explore and compare two comprehensive peace agreements: Colombia and the Philippines. Land may take the role of peacemaker in addressing territorial peace’s collective dimensions, especially when it is at the core of a peace agreement; however, its implementation remains volatile if it lacks trust, security, and technical capacity. Resumen: Los conflictos tienen un fuerte impacto en la tenencia, el uso, la distribución, la accesibilidad y la gobernanza de la tierra; en consecuencia, una estrategia sostenible para la consolidación de la paz requiere la creación de acuerdos institucionales basados en la tierra desde la fase de negociación de la paz. Basados en el concepto de paz territorial, estos acuerdos tienen un papel clave en la reconstrucción de las funciones colectivas, productivas y simbólicas del territorio después de los conflictos, y en el tratamiento de las causas profundas del conflicto relacionadas con la desigualdad de la tierra. Este trabajo contribuye al desarrollo del concepto de paz territorial proporcionando un marco para su operacionalización, basado en tres categorías de arreglos, y poniéndolo a prueba, para explorar y comparar cualitativamente dos acuerdos de paz integrales: Colombia y Filipinas. La tierra puede desempeñar el papel de pacificador al abordar las dimensiones colectivas de la paz territorial, especialmente cuando está en el centro de un acuerdo de paz; sin embargo, su aplicación sigue siendo volátil si carece de confianza, seguridad y capacidad técnica.

Proyecto constitucional que propone la organización de la Nueva Granada en federaciones, a partir del cual se buscaba promover la discusión entre los ciudadanos sobre cuál modelo organizacional (federalista o centralista) debía adoptar el nuevo Estado-nación.

Como capítulo introductorio se describe las temáticas tratadas en el Seminario "La cuestión regional en América latina". También se presenta al lector una visión general en cuanto a las temáticas propuestas en el seminario a través de las ponencias compiladas en el libro.

This dissertation explores the relationship between corruption and social trust in Colombia through a mixed methods study that combines descriptive statistics and semi-structured interviews. Two hypotheses are established: first, that corruption is a cause of low social trust and second, that there are external factors that affect the relationship between corruption and social trust. The analysis confirms both hypotheses as results show that there is a strong correlation between the two factors, corruption is a cause of low social trust in the country, and three main external factors affect this relationship in the national context, which are culture, violence and drug trafficking, and Catholicism.

In representative democratic systems, governments are expected to act in the interest of citizens in a responsive manner. A core feature of democracy settings is accountability which is needed for citizens to judge the propriety and effectiveness representatives’ actions and decisions. Generally, elections are seen as the main accountability mechanisms but they have shown to be insufficient for citizens to control their representatives and effective democracy. Despite its importance, literature on the field shows significant variance in its conceptualization what has hindered the development of a fixed tool for the systematic and rigorous analysis of accountability. This research focuses on the relationship between citizens and their representatives to hold them accountable –social accountability– by means other than elections. Qualitative content analysis was employed by this research to critically compare and analyse eight prominent tools developed to assess the level or quality of accountability. Furthermore, I argue that the Between Elections Democracy framework and its core concepts (e.g. responsiveness, ongoing interactions) can help to advance but so far the approach has not included the study of accountability. Thus, this research contributes to fill a gap in the BED framework by identifying social accountability as relevant phenomena to study and including other actors besides governments as representatives. Another significant contribution is the proposal of an initial set of indicators for a systematic and comparative evaluation of social accountability. Resumen: En sistemas de democracia representativa, se espera que los gobiernos actúen respondiendo a los intereses de los ciudadanos. Una característica esencial de establecimientos democráticos es la accountability (rendición de cuentas), la cual es necesaria para que los ciudadanos juzguen la efectividad de las actuaciones y decisiones de sus representantes. Generalmente, las elecciones son vistas como el principal mecanismo para juzgar y ‘exigir’ cuentas, pero éstas han mostrado ser insuficientes para que los ciudadanos ejerzan control sobre sus representantes y procurar una democracia efectiva. A pesar de su importancia, la literatura en este campo muestra una significativa variedad en la conceptualización, lo que ha obstaculizado el desarrollo de una herramienta para el estudio riguroso y sistemático de accountability. Esta investigación se enfoca en la relación entre ciudadanos y sus representantes para ejercer control sobre estos últimos – rendición de cuentas social- por medios distintos a las elecciones. El análisis cualitativo de contenido fue utilizado para críticamente, comparar y analizar ocho herramientas destacadas, desarrolladas para evaluar niveles o calidad de accountability. Incluso, este trabajo argumenta que el marco teórico de Democracia Entre Elecciones (BED en inglés) que incluye conceptos como receptividad e interacción permanente puede ayudar a avanzar en la tarea, pero hasta ahora no ha sido aplicado al estudio de rendición de cuentas. De esta manera, esta investigación contribuye al marco BED al incluir la rendición de cuentas como un fenómeno relevante. Otra importante contribución es la propuesta de indicadores para el análisis sistemático y comparativo de la rendición de cuentas.