Publicación en la que Justo Durán da cuenta de los acontecimientos que marcaron la comandancia de sus tropas y la forma en que logró mantener el control político y civil de varios departamentos.

Oración escrita por el presbítero Nepomuceno Jiménez, para el entonces presidente de la Nueva Granada Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera. En ella se mezclan aspectos políticos y religiosos y se exalta la figura de Mosquera como servidor de la nación. El documento conserva la ortografía de la época.

Compilación de argumentos, sentencias y documentos probatorios que Evaristo Azuero presenta en defensa propia, a partir de los cuales rechaza las acusaciones que ha recibido por el asesinato de José María Tavera, en las que figura como principal sospechoso del crimen.

Documento en el que se hacen varios comentarios y se describen varias impresiones respecto al empréstito que adquirió Colombia en 1825.

Oración fúnebre que pronunció el religioso Mariano Vargas, con motivo de la muerte del político y militar neogranadino Domingo Caicedo y Santamaría, en septiembre de 1843. A lo largo del documento, que conserva la ortografía de la época, reseña algunas de las acciones políticas de Caicedo y ensalsa su labor mientras ejerció como primer mandatario de la Nueva Granada.

Con ocasión de la discusión sobre el alcance de las conclusiones a las que algunos neurocientíficos han arribado tras experimentos relativamente recientes con respecto a temas que, como el de la posibilidad de la libertad individual, son cruciales para la legitimidad de cualquier sistema de atribución de responsabilidad, los juristas suelen afanarse por determinar si el Derecho –y, en particular, el Derecho penal- ha quedado sin un sustento sólido sobre el cual fundar un juicio de reproche. En la ejecución de esta tarea, suelen moverse al vaivén de los avances de las “ciencias duras” sin detenerse a contemplar el trasfondo filosófico que le da sentido y contexto a la discusión. La verdad es que conceptos como voluntad, conciencia y libertad dependen, sin duda, de cómo entendamos la relación entre la mente y el cerebro: para algunos, son una misma cosa; para otros, son tan distintas que los descubrimientos sobre el funcionamiento del uno no alteran las propiedades de la otra. Este escrito reseña el estado actual de la cuestión, al tiempo en que lo evalúa con base en las herramientas que ofrece la Filosofía de la mente y propone una aproximación desde un enfoque funcionalista que permite integrar los aportes de las neurociencias al sistema jurídico-penal, así como ubicarlos adecuadamente y definir sus alcances.

This paper explores the relationship between land inequality and inclusive growth in light of land policies for growth and poverty reduction. Contrasting traditional redistribution with inclusive rural growth shows the importance of land as an economic, social and political asset for achieving sustainable development. Analysing the Brazilian case, the paper suggests that inclusive growth strategies do not effectively counteract structural conditions of inequality and rather than attacking exclusionary growth patterns merely address immediate exigencies. Hence, returning to redistribution is fundamental for including the rural poor in modern economies, not just in terms of economic efficiency but for constructing equitable and approachable markets that enable the expansion of individual freedom. 

Energy Union (En Un) is a program released by the European Commission intended to create a single energy market between the European Union in order to have secure, affordable and sustainable energy. This way the imports will be reduced and the final price should be lower (theoretically) increasing the energy security for all the countries. The first communication was in February 2015 and is a very new topic for all the energy stakeholders in the EU. This is why a dissertation for the implications of this policy in UK was developed as part of the Master in Energy, Environmental Technology & Technology from City University London. UK is currently catalogued as an Energy Island (less than 10% of cross-border interconnection), with 30% of the generation based in coal, 30% in gas and 20% renewable, a liberalised market that varies with changes in gas or wind availability and the third highest kWh price from the EU. More than 20 energy policies and Conservative government with a constraint view against renewables’ subsidies. The implication for the UK and the En Un are divided into three: Infrastructural, Political and Economical. In the middle a map of the new cross-border grids proposed by this policy some of the findings are. The Energy Union in the UK will happen even if there’s no political wiliness or if they decide to not be part of the EU, mainly because the new infrastructure is already being developed (UK-Belgium) additional to the four current cross-border interconnectors. The wholesale market in UK is already liberalized and some cross border trades are being done with clean and cheap electricity from France and Holland; the key development is UK-Ireland, because UK, instead of being a 100% exporter to Ireland, will flip the coin with an import-export relationship with 8 interconnectors, electricity generated in Euros and close distance. Now it will not really matter if you generate electricity from Fossil Fuels, Nuclear or Renewable; the country will purchase from where is cheapest and available, independently from the source. Shale Gas, Nuclear, Gas and coal with CCS will be the important investment in the next years, not only in PPP (private public partnership) schemes but with R&D. New Universities courses will be develop (energy traders / brokers, cross border trade supervisors, etc) and more women should get involved. The £/ kWh for domestic and small companies will not be significantly reduced (albeit the low cost of it), those companies more engaged with the market will have very good deals and low £/ kWh.

This thesis analyzes the possible influence of social capital on the levels of fear of crime perceived by residents of Bogotá. The thesis focuses on the potential role of social networks and the individual perception of collective efficacy of neighborhoods in the metropolitan area of the Colombian capital. According to current theoretical developments, people who belong to social networks and actively participate in them expect reciprocity from their peers in case of a criminal event. Thus, they will benefit from an inhibiting effect on their individual levels of fear of crime. Following the statistics, the security situation in the city of Bogotá has improved during the last years. For example, the homicide rates have ostensibly dropped in the last 20 years and other crimes, such as robberies and burglaries, have stabilized within normal occurrence rates compared to the historical average. Nevertheless, citizens of Bogotá feel more insecure and perceive higher risks of being a victim of crime than 10 years ago. This seemingly paradoxical situation suggests a gap between the subjective feelings of citizens and objective criminal rates registered by different authorities. As most of the theoretical and empirical research has focused on the study of facilitators of fear of crime, using quantitative methodologies, this thesis will focus on the study of inhibitors of fear. To understand levels of fear of crime in neighborhoods of Bogotá it adopts a qualitative methodology. In addition, it inquires for the most relevant factors that produce fear of crime and suggests policy recommendations to make people feel safer in the city. The results show that the role of social networks in inhibiting individual levels of fear of crime depends on the quantity and quality of pooled resources that a community has. Neighborhoods with more social, economic and institutional resources provide environments and milieus where people feel safer. This perception of collective efficacy to advance communal goals plays a pivotal role in the inhibition of fear of crime and is stronger in more cohesive and organized neighborhoods. Finally, high levels of fear of crime lead to less participation in neighborhoods where illegal armed groups exert de facto control of the territory, hampering the already low levels of social capital in these communities.

This dissertation project assesses the possibility of Colombia becoming an annex I country before 2020. This assessment assumes that the country will eventually have to define the year during which it will be required to start reducing its GHG emissions and by what amount. This project aims to answer the following questions; in which year Colombia should assume a GHG reductions cap? And how much GHG emissions should Colombia reduce? These two questions were answered by first projecting the growth of future emissions of the country based on economic parameters, population growth and energy consumption and secondly by calculating the cost of undertaking the GHG reductions to meet the target. Three separate analyses were performed in order to answer those questions; first a comparative analysis of the country’s conditions when the protocol was signed, second the concept of the Environmental Kunznets Curve was used and confronted with the available Colombian data and third it was necessary to project when Colombia will be responsible for percent of the world’s emission. The results showed that at least until the year 2020 Colombia will not be responsible for a share bigger than one percent of the world emissions; neither will it reach the peak of the EKC and lastly Colombia will not become a higher middle income country anytime before the year 2020. The main conclusion obtained in this dissertation is that Colombia should not undertake any GHG reduction targets under the continuation of the Kyoto protocol before the year 2020.