Abstract: The promotion of education as a human right became part of the discourse of international aid agencies and banks since the end of WWII. Consequently, studies of development have examined the conditions under which education becomes a driver of socio-economic progress under three theories: “modernization”, “human capital”, and “dependency”. Previous research has not agreed on the impact of education on inequalities and mainly adopted a quantitative approach. This dissertation implements a mixed-methods approach to examine context-specific variables in comparative education with the “dependency” theory. The outbreak of COVID-19 in 2020 generated great losses in human capital accumulation. In Latin America, one of the most unequal regions in the world, the impact of school disruption increased drop-out rates and forced governments to generate measures to mitigate learning losses. This dissertation examines through a comparative analysis to what extent remote learning policies implemented during COVID-19 reduced inequality gaps in Chile and Colombia, with a particular focus on secondary education. Moreover, as intervening variables, it selects two neoliberal characteristics: privatization and government intervention. Colombia and Chile implemented multimodal education policies during COVID-19. However, in Colombia, school closures lasted longer than in Chile. The PISA exam forecast of the World Bank also suggests that education inequality gaps in secondary education increased after the pandemic, with greater inequalities in Colombia. Moreover, the Gini coefficient shows that Colombia has been more unequal than Chile before and after COVID-19. Lastly, the analysis of the intervening variables shows that remote learning policies were unable to reduce inequalities and mainly favoured private institutions and urban areas. Finally, as part of the lessons, this research suggests that the neo-liberal characteristics of both countries marked a difference in the implementation of policies. Moreover, the lack of information incentivised the adoption of good practices that become suitable policy alternatives when adapted to local needs. Lastly, this research evidences the need for LAC to include technological tools in their education systems to respond to future crises.

Abstract: This article inquires about who is deemed a legitimate actor by international human rights law. It offers an analysis of the role of the Latin American Federation of Associations of Relatives of Disappeared Detainees (FEDEFAM) as a women-led leading organization in creating the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances (CED) in 2007. The article shows that the wives and daughters of the disappeared played a determinant role in their struggle against enforced disappearances, undermining the view of the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances (WGEID), which did not recognize their struggle in its early reports. The article also critiques how international human rights law uses colonial and patriarchal power to produce and exclude subjects. Finally, it concludes by offering an analysis of the affective dimensions of FEDEFAM’s struggle as an opportunity to rethink human rights grassroots women-led mobilizations as a place for resistance against dominant narratives in international human rights law.

Abstract: This research paper describes and analyses the defining moments in the journey of healing from sexual violence in the context of armed conflict in Colombia. Following the experience of three women of Tamboreras del Cauca, it identifies the external and internal re- sources that facilitated their journey. Taking reconciliation as the approach and some models as reference, was possible to place this experience as an example of what it takes to restore people's story and relation- ships after trauma and how this could be a work in progress towards reconciliation in times of post-agreement in Colombia. Through in-depth interviewing, I could get close to their stories, and unfold from their narratives, what and how each element has contributed to their transformation, from the individual to the collective space. In particular, the role of the arts and metaphors to reach new levels to understand how to address traumatic experiences. From there, bring attention to the creative act and imagination behind reconciliation as a condition, in the log-term, to stable peace.

Abstract: Conflicts have a strong impact on land tenure, use, distribution, accessibility, and governance; consequently, a sustainable strategy for peacebuilding requires the set-up of land-based institutional arrangements from the peace negotiation phase onwards. Based on the concept of territorial peace, these arrangements have a key role in the reconstruction of the collective, productive, and symbolic functions of the territory after conflicts, and in addressing conflict root causes related to land inequality. This paper contributes to the development of the concept of territorial peace by providing a framework for its operationalization, based on three categories of arrangements, and testing it, to qualitatively explore and compare two comprehensive peace agreements: Colombia and the Philippines. Land may take the role of peacemaker in addressing territorial peace’s collective dimensions, especially when it is at the core of a peace agreement; however, its implementation remains volatile if it lacks trust, security, and technical capacity. Resumen: Los conflictos tienen un fuerte impacto en la tenencia, el uso, la distribución, la accesibilidad y la gobernanza de la tierra; en consecuencia, una estrategia sostenible para la consolidación de la paz requiere la creación de acuerdos institucionales basados en la tierra desde la fase de negociación de la paz. Basados en el concepto de paz territorial, estos acuerdos tienen un papel clave en la reconstrucción de las funciones colectivas, productivas y simbólicas del territorio después de los conflictos, y en el tratamiento de las causas profundas del conflicto relacionadas con la desigualdad de la tierra. Este trabajo contribuye al desarrollo del concepto de paz territorial proporcionando un marco para su operacionalización, basado en tres categorías de arreglos, y poniéndolo a prueba, para explorar y comparar cualitativamente dos acuerdos de paz integrales: Colombia y Filipinas. La tierra puede desempeñar el papel de pacificador al abordar las dimensiones colectivas de la paz territorial, especialmente cuando está en el centro de un acuerdo de paz; sin embargo, su aplicación sigue siendo volátil si carece de confianza, seguridad y capacidad técnica.

Abstract: This thesis analyzes how former Colombian Presidents Laureano Gómez Castro and Álvaro Uribe Vélez utilized their speeches to advance autocratic agendas under the guise of protecting democracy and pluralism. This research employed Discourse Analysis as proposed by Teun Van Dijk, aiming to detail symbolic violence through speeches that, although seemingly promoting democracy, concealed attacks on their opponents. It was discovered that both leaders, through their rhetoric and actions, persuaded the political space towards an exclusive regime, promoting a state that, under promises of inclusion and democracy, fostered exclusion and weakened democratic institutions. The results also suggest that while in power, the 3 former presidents moderated their speeches to include the opposition, a practice not observed while they were in opposition, where they were more visceral in their attacks. The analysis of the information was conducted on two levels. First, the concepts that appear most frequently in each one's speeches were recovered to explain their existence. Then, the information was classified according to the categories proposed by the researcher to understand how they used their speeches for two main purposes: first, to empathize with most of the population, and second, to create an internal enemy to attack. When referring to the former, they depict a plural country where everyone can participate, and when discussing the latter, which grouped the opponents of their mandate, their eradication was justified because they opposed the democratic regime. In creating their nemesis, both knew how to use the population's fears: communists, in the case of Gómez; and terrorists, in the case of Uribe. Resumen: La presente tesis analiza cómo los expresidentes de Colombia, Laureano Gómez Castro y Álvaro Uribe Vélez, utilizaron sus discursos para avanzar en agendas autocráticas bajo la apariencia de proteger la democracia y el pluralismo. Esta investigación usó el Análisis de Discurso como lo planteó Teun Van Dijk y buscó detallar la violencia simbólica, a través de discursos que, aunque parecían promover la democracia, escondían ataques a sus opositores. Se descubre que ambos líderes, a través de su retórica y sus acciones, persuadían el espacio político hacia un régimen excluyente, promoviendo un estado que, bajo promesas de inclusión y democracia, fomentaba la exclusión y debilitaba las instituciones democráticas. Los resultados también sugieren que mientras estuvieron en el poder, los expresidentes moderaron sus discursos para incluir a la oposición, lo que no ocurrió mientras estuvieron en la oposición, en la que fueron más viscerales en sus ataques. El análisis de la información se hizo en dos niveles. Primero, se recuperaron los conceptos que más aparecen en los discursos de cada uno para explicar la existencia de estos. Después, se clasificó la información de acuerdo con las categorías propuestas por el investigador para entender cómo utilizaron sus discursos con dos fines principales: primero, para empatizar con el grueso de la población, y segundo para crear un enemigo interno al que atacar. Cuando se refieren al primero, muestran un país plural en donde todos pueden participar, y cuando hablan del segundo, que agrupaba a los opositores de su mandato, se justificaba su erradicación porque se oponían al régimen democrático. En la creación de su némesis, ambos supieron usar los miedos de la población: los comunistas, en el caso de Gómez; y los terroristas, en el caso de Uribe.

Abstract: This study on Venezuelan migration to post-conflict Colombia aims to explain how the reconstruction from conflict and forced migration processes have impacted women. It poses the question of how reconstruction approaches of Colombian and other Latin American civil society groups of women apply to Venezuelan migrant women in the border. Colombia hosts roughly 2 million Venezuelan migrants who have stayed despite the persistent violence caused partially by the turmoil of its politics in the post- conflict aftermath. Using testimonial accounts, the dissertation examines the distinct experiences of Venezuelan migrant women in the borderlands of Colombia. It reveals a blending of crises as the source of support networks. The imminent need to provide humanitarian assistance transformed in the creation of a system that opens the way to integration. From the emergency declaration, addendums to the law for Venezuelans to access the health care system to the adaptation for economic dynamics, women migrants find in Colombia a space for restart. Feasible peace processes in the region have gendered roots. This study claims that despite the recrudescence of violence in Colombia, Venezuelan migrants have an immaterial connection based on historic social, cultural roots that make it their country of preference over other border countries. Findings demonstrate there was an empirical gap in identifying one of the major triggers of the migration crisis. The binational tensions of August 2015 marked the starting point of one of the largest diasporas of the 21st Century.

This dissertation explores the relationship between corruption and social trust in Colombia through a mixed methods study that combines descriptive statistics and semi-structured interviews. Two hypotheses are established: first, that corruption is a cause of low social trust and second, that there are external factors that affect the relationship between corruption and social trust. The analysis confirms both hypotheses as results show that there is a strong correlation between the two factors, corruption is a cause of low social trust in the country, and three main external factors affect this relationship in the national context, which are culture, violence and drug trafficking, and Catholicism.

In representative democratic systems, governments are expected to act in the interest of citizens in a responsive manner. A core feature of democracy settings is accountability which is needed for citizens to judge the propriety and effectiveness representatives’ actions and decisions. Generally, elections are seen as the main accountability mechanisms but they have shown to be insufficient for citizens to control their representatives and effective democracy. Despite its importance, literature on the field shows significant variance in its conceptualization what has hindered the development of a fixed tool for the systematic and rigorous analysis of accountability. This research focuses on the relationship between citizens and their representatives to hold them accountable –social accountability– by means other than elections. Qualitative content analysis was employed by this research to critically compare and analyse eight prominent tools developed to assess the level or quality of accountability. Furthermore, I argue that the Between Elections Democracy framework and its core concepts (e.g. responsiveness, ongoing interactions) can help to advance but so far the approach has not included the study of accountability. Thus, this research contributes to fill a gap in the BED framework by identifying social accountability as relevant phenomena to study and including other actors besides governments as representatives. Another significant contribution is the proposal of an initial set of indicators for a systematic and comparative evaluation of social accountability. Resumen: En sistemas de democracia representativa, se espera que los gobiernos actúen respondiendo a los intereses de los ciudadanos. Una característica esencial de establecimientos democráticos es la accountability (rendición de cuentas), la cual es necesaria para que los ciudadanos juzguen la efectividad de las actuaciones y decisiones de sus representantes. Generalmente, las elecciones son vistas como el principal mecanismo para juzgar y ‘exigir’ cuentas, pero éstas han mostrado ser insuficientes para que los ciudadanos ejerzan control sobre sus representantes y procurar una democracia efectiva. A pesar de su importancia, la literatura en este campo muestra una significativa variedad en la conceptualización, lo que ha obstaculizado el desarrollo de una herramienta para el estudio riguroso y sistemático de accountability. Esta investigación se enfoca en la relación entre ciudadanos y sus representantes para ejercer control sobre estos últimos – rendición de cuentas social- por medios distintos a las elecciones. El análisis cualitativo de contenido fue utilizado para críticamente, comparar y analizar ocho herramientas destacadas, desarrolladas para evaluar niveles o calidad de accountability. Incluso, este trabajo argumenta que el marco teórico de Democracia Entre Elecciones (BED en inglés) que incluye conceptos como receptividad e interacción permanente puede ayudar a avanzar en la tarea, pero hasta ahora no ha sido aplicado al estudio de rendición de cuentas. De esta manera, esta investigación contribuye al marco BED al incluir la rendición de cuentas como un fenómeno relevante. Otra importante contribución es la propuesta de indicadores para el análisis sistemático y comparativo de la rendición de cuentas.

Le contrat de partenariat ou le marché de partenariat est un instrument lié à la réforme de l’administration et sa nouvelle gestion publique. Cet outil incarne la vision d’un courant économique néolibéral qui considère que les valeurs de l’efficacité, l’efficience, et la performance sont présents dans le secteur privé et qu’à travers certains partenariats, l’administration peut maîtriser et profiter de ces avantages. Depuis son arrivée en France, l’utilisation des Partenariat Public Privé comme outil alternatif aux voies classiques de la commande publique s’est répandue de façon rapide et très prometteuse. Au bout de plus de dix ans, différents organismes ont émis certains critiques qui pourraient aider à constituer un bilan initial entre les attentes et les résultats réels. Resumen: El contrato de Alianzas público privadas es un instrumento de reforma de la administración tomado de la nueva gestión pública (NGP). Esta herramienta encarna la visión de un modelo económico neoliberal que considera que los valores de eficiencia, efectividad y desempeño, están presentes en el sector privado y que, a través de ciertas alianzas con la administración pública, ésta puede aprender y aprovechar las cualidades del sector privado. Desde su llegada a Francia, el uso de las Alianzas Público Privadas como alternativa a los clásicos contratos públicos de contratación estatal se han expandido de manera rápida y con diversas promesas. A lo largo de los últimos diez años, las diversas organizaciones de control han realizado diferentes críticas que podrían poner en evidencia la diferencia entre las expectativas y los resultados reales de esta modalidad de contratación.

This dissertation explores the reasons why beautification frameworks of cities supersede in practice a human rights-based understanding towards homeless people. Using the case study of Bogota, the paper shows how the local city government has a neoliberal discourse of citizens’ perception of security. As a prerequisite for the perception of security, this discourse emphasizes the importance of having clean, orderly and beautiful public spaces in the city. This conceptualization of the public space collides with the existence of homeless people in those spaces and labels their presence as undesirable. Furthermore, this discourse permeates police action towards homelessness and creates ambiguity in their duties as they must acknowledge a human rights-based understanding for the homeless, but also recognize their duty of maintaining and improving the security of the city. When facing this ambiguity, the police turn to their personal beliefs, biases and external pressures and end up criminalizing homeless presence in the city. Finally, this discourse of security perception justifies the appearance of urban renovation projects in the city centre that aim to beautify deteriorated buildings and neighborhoods with the purposes of attracting capital and tourism to boost the city’s economy. These projects also aim to reduce crime as those who frequent those derelict neighborhoods are being pushed out and excluded from the new renovated spaces. These factors are overshadowing the human rights-based national laws for homelessness as well as the rulings of the Constitutional Court of Colombia. Resumen: Esta tesis explora las razones por las cuales los discursos del embellecimiento de las ciudades sobrepasan el entendimiento basado en los derechos humanos de los habitantes de la calle. A través del caso de estudio de Bogotá, esta tesis muestra cómo el gobierno local de la ciudad tiene un discurso neoliberal sobre la percepción de seguridad de los ciudadanos y como prerrequisito de esta percepción de seguridad, este discurso enfatiza la importancia de tener espacios públicos limpios, ordenados y hermosos. Esta conceptualización del espacio público choca con la existencia de los habitantes de la calle en esos espacios y etiqueta su presencia como indeseable. Además, este discurso impregna la acción policial hacia los habitantes de la calle y crea ambigüedad en sus deberes, ya que deben reconocer un entendimiento basado en los derechos humanos para las personas sin hogar, pero también reconocer su deber de mantener y mejorar la seguridad de la ciudad. Al enfrentar esta ambigüedad, la policía recurre a sus creencias personales, prejuicios y presiones externas y termina criminalizando la presencia de personas sin hogar en la ciudad. Finalmente, este discurso de percepción de seguridad justifica la aparición de proyectos de renovación urbana en el centro de la ciudad que apuntan a embellecer edificios y vecindarios deteriorados con el propósito de atraer capital y turismo para impulsar la economía de la ciudad. Estos proyectos también tienen como objetivo reducir la delincuencia, ya que los que frecuentan esos barrios abandonados están siendo expulsados y excluidos de los nuevos espacios renovados. Estos factores están menoscabando as leyes nacionales basadas en los derechos humanos de los habitantes de la calle, así como los fallos de la Corte Constitucional de Colombia.