Documento en el que se aclaran los intereses de los habitantes del Estado Soberano de Antioquia y los motivos que los han llevado a defender su autonomía. A lo largo del documento, se hace un llamado al Gobierno a no continuar con la guerra contra Antioquia, ni fomentar la disidencia entre los estados federados. En la segunda parte del documento, aparece una comunicación enviada al Secretario de Hacienda del Gobierno, de parte del Secretario de Gobierno de Antioquia, en en la que explican los cambios políticos a los que se someterá Antioquia.

Documento en el que Gerónimo Torres dirige a los asistentes de la Convención de Ocaña, sus percepciones sobre el estado general de la política de Colombia en 1828. El documento conserva la ortografía de la época.

This investigation seeks to compare the legal frameworks developed in the 1990-2010 period in Colombia, Peru and Mexico to prevent and tackle informal artisanal/small scale mining. It does so by assessing the impact on the levels of informality of: (i) the incentives provided to miners to operate within legality; and (ii) the mechanisms devised to compensate such miners’ disadvantageous position vis-à-vis large scale mining companies. For such assessment a thorough examination of the countries’ mining codes is carried out. Concurrently, information extracted from semi-structured interviews with experts and triangulated with secondary sources is used to evaluate the codes’ impact on informality. The analysis supports the hypothesis that simple inexpensive mine title acquisition procedures, granting long lasting property rights, as well as guaranteeing technical and financial assistance, are key drivers of formalization. The impact of such incentives is, however, more complex: firstly, as the Mexican case illustrates, the absence of incentives combined with strong police persecution, can reduce informal mining by rendering it an unattractive activity with no prospective of future formalization. Secondly, the Colombian and Peruvian case exemplify how entry barriers also encourage miners to create associations which, in turn, are able to better access information, can comply with formal requirements more easily and can play an important role in influencing policy design. Furthermore, considering the incentives of large scale companies also proved crucial to reduce informality, given that a significant share of mining areas are already under concession. This means that the number of mine titles informal miners could potentially obtain is limited. Therefore, as the Colombian and Peruvian case exemplify, formalizing is to a large degree dependent on the willingness of these companies to voluntarily engage in associative contracts with informal miners. However, so far none of the observed countries has managed to prompt strong alliances between small and large scale miners to fruitfully implement such collaborative models. With regard to the compensation mechanisms, this study supports the hypothesis that granting political voice to small scale miners is of utmost importance to guarantee that differentiated costs, procedures and requirements are contemplated in the law. All in all, such policies have been innocuous and even counterproductive when not accompanied by measures that enhance access to information as well as local bureaucratic competences. In a context of scarce local bureaucratic resources, promissory formalization schemes generate a demand for mine titles that surpasses mining authorities’ capacity and, thereby, potentially incites more informality and social unrest. As observed in Peru, in such cases formalization processes can, paradoxically, induce higher levels of informal mining. In light of these findings, the study recommends the partner institution -Transparency International- to: (i) support the implementation of informational campaigns that explain the benefits of operating in formality and of doing so by means of associating; (ii) encourage policy dialogue spaces in order to prompt mutual monitoring and align the different stakeholders’ incentives; (iii) support capacity building programs targeting local mining authorities; (iv) support monitoring mechanisms in the mine title distribution and contracting processes.

Today we live in a globalized world. In this interconnected world, the competition for wealth among states has become a synonym for market share. To ensure access to international markets, governments have resorted to the corporate marketing tool of branding. Country branding, as it is called, creates a series of narratives using a country’s identity. Such narratives encompass a symbolic system which is molded for the unique purpose of creating and promoting a positive image of the country branded. However, to be successful, this tool requires nationals to behave as ambassadors and embody the narratives presented. Thus, the brand indirectly defines the features that a ‘true national’ must have. It is argued that by placing nationals in a position where their membership in the community of the nation is evaluated, country branding can become an alternative method for countering the rhetoric used by terrorist and insurgents for achieving support. The analysis is conducted using constructivism as theoretical background, and the Colombian brand ‘Colombia es Pasión’ as study case. The conclusion achieved is that there are some theoretical and empirical elements that suggest that country branding could be used for counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency, yet further research is encouraged.

La tesis de maestría cuestiona los siguientes dos supuestos comunes en el tema de las drogas y las relaciones políticas internacionales: primero, que siempre se pueden esperar conflictos diplomáticos como resultado del fracaso de los intentos por reducir el tráfico de drogas ilegales, y Segundo, que el conflicto predomina entre países si tienen que tratar el tema de las drogas. El objetivo de la tesis es explicar por qué surge la crisis diplomática entre Estados Unidos y Colombia en 1995-1997 y no antes si se tiene en cuenta la similitud de las condiciones materiales, en términos de la gravedad del problema del narcotráfico y su grado de penetración en las instituciones colombianas, entre la administración Samper (1994-1998) y otras administraciones anteriores. Uno de los resultados importantes de la tesis es hallar la existencia de cooperación anti-drogas a nivel operativo al tiempo que se fractura la relación diplomática.

Estudio de títulos territoriales limítrofes entre Bolivia y Perú, realizado por el político y sociólogo Bautista Saavedra. A lo largo del documento ser recopilan de forma cronológica varios títulos y capitulaciones que permiten comprender la evolución de la delimitación limítrofe entre ambos países desde 1529 hasta 1802.

The question addressed in this paper was whether a government, in a regime considered democratic, can legitimately curtail civil rights as a means of protecting public order and the sovereignty of the state. The second part of the question is what should be given priority when there is a tension between fundamental rights and the state’s duty to maintain public order. The case analyzed was the antiterrorism law passed in the Colombian Congress in December 2003. This law was one of the main strategies developed by Alvaro Uribe’s government on its first presidency period to fight terrorism. The purpose was to create a legal strategy to combat terrorism and to guarantee public order and the sovereignty of the state, which were constantly undermined by illegal armed groups. This case study reveals a tension between the government’s duty to maintain public order and individual rights – particularly the right to freedom, the right to privacy, and the right to habeas corpus. The tension in the antiterrorism law appears when the government limits first-rank rights as a means to combat acts of terrorism. In a country that faces an internal armed conflict that weakens democracy, the approval of the antiterrorism law gives too much authority to the government and jeopardizes fundamental rights and freedoms. Throughout the paper, the autor try to prove that the constraints on fundamental rights in such a scenario could result in an undermining of the constitutional regime and in the loss of democratic legitimacy.

The protracted nature of the Colombian conflict has allowed the emergence of numerous attempts for its resolution (intense military offensives and different models of negotiation). Regarding the attempts of negotiation, some of them have resulted in durable peace agreements while others have failed during the process. For example, in 1991, the government negotiated the reincorporation into the political life of the guerrillas M-19 and EPL, and recently in 2002-2007, the government held a peace process with the AUC paramilitary group, which produced the demobilization of approximately 40.000 rebels. However, the scenery of resolution with two remaining guerrillas (FARC and ELN) is different, after more than 26 years of failed negotiations and tough military offensives; it has not been possible to settle the conflict with them. What explains the different results in the peace processes with the armed groups? I suggest that in order to identify opportunities for negotiations and more effective peace processes, states and third parties, should regard more seriously the character of the different armed groups (motivation, leadership, strategies, social composition, organizational structure, etc). Therefore, by doing a comparative analysis of the AUC and FARC peace processes. I found out that: 1. the type of violence and financial sources are not determinant factors to reach a negotiated settlement with rebel groups. It is false that is more difficult to negotiate with armed groups pursuing high benefits from war, at least not in Colombia. 2. That the degree of task cohesion, the group cohesiveness, and social support are extremely relevant to the state engage and manage possible crisis and setbacks during the negotiations. Armed groups are different and those differences have positive and negative impacts when negotiating with them.

Compilación de discursos pronunciados por diferentes gobernantes de Argentina fines del siglo XIX e inicios del XX. Así como de distintos periódicos de América Latina. Se presume que la publicación la realizó Arturo Juega Farrullo, pero se desconoce si él es el compilador, dado que la obra está incompleta. El título ha sido asignado y no corresponde al original por ser un dato desconocido

Impreso en el que se critica y responde a los escritos que han aparecido publicados en el periódico "El Monitor", de Popayán, cuyo director es Julio Arboleda, porque a juicio de quien escribe, se trata de una publicación de tendencias conservadoras, que critica la gestión gubernamental de los liberales y se resguarda en argumentos religiosos. El documento conserva la ortografía de la época.