Wander Woman Actor And Entrepreneur Shay Mitchell Tours The Globe With A Luggage Brand, Tequila Line And New Drinks - And - Travel Show On Max. How Corporations And Destinations Are Embracing The Profitable LGBTQ Market. What Are "Secret Flights" - And How Do You Fly On Them? A Supercar Safari Through The French Wine Region.

Abstract: This research paper describes and analyses the defining moments in the journey of healing from sexual violence in the context of armed conflict in Colombia. Following the experience of three women of Tamboreras del Cauca, it identifies the external and internal re- sources that facilitated their journey. Taking reconciliation as the approach and some models as reference, was possible to place this experience as an example of what it takes to restore people's story and relation- ships after trauma and how this could be a work in progress towards reconciliation in times of post-agreement in Colombia. Through in-depth interviewing, I could get close to their stories, and unfold from their narratives, what and how each element has contributed to their transformation, from the individual to the collective space. In particular, the role of the arts and metaphors to reach new levels to understand how to address traumatic experiences. From there, bring attention to the creative act and imagination behind reconciliation as a condition, in the log-term, to stable peace.

Abstract: Conflicts have a strong impact on land tenure, use, distribution, accessibility, and governance; consequently, a sustainable strategy for peacebuilding requires the set-up of land-based institutional arrangements from the peace negotiation phase onwards. Based on the concept of territorial peace, these arrangements have a key role in the reconstruction of the collective, productive, and symbolic functions of the territory after conflicts, and in addressing conflict root causes related to land inequality. This paper contributes to the development of the concept of territorial peace by providing a framework for its operationalization, based on three categories of arrangements, and testing it, to qualitatively explore and compare two comprehensive peace agreements: Colombia and the Philippines. Land may take the role of peacemaker in addressing territorial peace’s collective dimensions, especially when it is at the core of a peace agreement; however, its implementation remains volatile if it lacks trust, security, and technical capacity. Resumen: Los conflictos tienen un fuerte impacto en la tenencia, el uso, la distribución, la accesibilidad y la gobernanza de la tierra; en consecuencia, una estrategia sostenible para la consolidación de la paz requiere la creación de acuerdos institucionales basados en la tierra desde la fase de negociación de la paz. Basados en el concepto de paz territorial, estos acuerdos tienen un papel clave en la reconstrucción de las funciones colectivas, productivas y simbólicas del territorio después de los conflictos, y en el tratamiento de las causas profundas del conflicto relacionadas con la desigualdad de la tierra. Este trabajo contribuye al desarrollo del concepto de paz territorial proporcionando un marco para su operacionalización, basado en tres categorías de arreglos, y poniéndolo a prueba, para explorar y comparar cualitativamente dos acuerdos de paz integrales: Colombia y Filipinas. La tierra puede desempeñar el papel de pacificador al abordar las dimensiones colectivas de la paz territorial, especialmente cuando está en el centro de un acuerdo de paz; sin embargo, su aplicación sigue siendo volátil si carece de confianza, seguridad y capacidad técnica.

Abstract: This thesis analyzes how former Colombian Presidents Laureano Gómez Castro and Álvaro Uribe Vélez utilized their speeches to advance autocratic agendas under the guise of protecting democracy and pluralism. This research employed Discourse Analysis as proposed by Teun Van Dijk, aiming to detail symbolic violence through speeches that, although seemingly promoting democracy, concealed attacks on their opponents. It was discovered that both leaders, through their rhetoric and actions, persuaded the political space towards an exclusive regime, promoting a state that, under promises of inclusion and democracy, fostered exclusion and weakened democratic institutions. The results also suggest that while in power, the 3 former presidents moderated their speeches to include the opposition, a practice not observed while they were in opposition, where they were more visceral in their attacks. The analysis of the information was conducted on two levels. First, the concepts that appear most frequently in each one's speeches were recovered to explain their existence. Then, the information was classified according to the categories proposed by the researcher to understand how they used their speeches for two main purposes: first, to empathize with most of the population, and second, to create an internal enemy to attack. When referring to the former, they depict a plural country where everyone can participate, and when discussing the latter, which grouped the opponents of their mandate, their eradication was justified because they opposed the democratic regime. In creating their nemesis, both knew how to use the population's fears: communists, in the case of Gómez; and terrorists, in the case of Uribe. Resumen: La presente tesis analiza cómo los expresidentes de Colombia, Laureano Gómez Castro y Álvaro Uribe Vélez, utilizaron sus discursos para avanzar en agendas autocráticas bajo la apariencia de proteger la democracia y el pluralismo. Esta investigación usó el Análisis de Discurso como lo planteó Teun Van Dijk y buscó detallar la violencia simbólica, a través de discursos que, aunque parecían promover la democracia, escondían ataques a sus opositores. Se descubre que ambos líderes, a través de su retórica y sus acciones, persuadían el espacio político hacia un régimen excluyente, promoviendo un estado que, bajo promesas de inclusión y democracia, fomentaba la exclusión y debilitaba las instituciones democráticas. Los resultados también sugieren que mientras estuvieron en el poder, los expresidentes moderaron sus discursos para incluir a la oposición, lo que no ocurrió mientras estuvieron en la oposición, en la que fueron más viscerales en sus ataques. El análisis de la información se hizo en dos niveles. Primero, se recuperaron los conceptos que más aparecen en los discursos de cada uno para explicar la existencia de estos. Después, se clasificó la información de acuerdo con las categorías propuestas por el investigador para entender cómo utilizaron sus discursos con dos fines principales: primero, para empatizar con el grueso de la población, y segundo para crear un enemigo interno al que atacar. Cuando se refieren al primero, muestran un país plural en donde todos pueden participar, y cuando hablan del segundo, que agrupaba a los opositores de su mandato, se justificaba su erradicación porque se oponían al régimen democrático. En la creación de su némesis, ambos supieron usar los miedos de la población: los comunistas, en el caso de Gómez; y los terroristas, en el caso de Uribe.

Wander Woman Actor And Entrepreneur Shay Mitchell Tours The Globe With A Luggage Brand, Tequila Line And New Drinks - And - Travel Show On Max. How Corporations And Destinations Are Embracing The Profitable LGBTQ Market. What Are "Secret Flights" - And How Do You Fly On Them? A Supercar Safari Through The French Wine Region.

Proyecto constitucional que propone la organización de la Nueva Granada en federaciones, a partir del cual se buscaba promover la discusión entre los ciudadanos sobre cuál modelo organizacional (federalista o centralista) debía adoptar el nuevo Estado-nación.

Como capítulo introductorio se describe las temáticas tratadas en el Seminario "La cuestión regional en América latina". También se presenta al lector una visión general en cuanto a las temáticas propuestas en el seminario a través de las ponencias compiladas en el libro.

I analyzed the policy of the páramos in Colombia based on the debates about the prohibition of the mining and agricultural and cattle activities in the ecosystem of páramos. I made an institutional analysis of the policy based on the Ostrom’s theory of Common-Pool Resources (CPRs), and the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework, considering three types of resources units: water, minerals and hydrocarbons, and land. I showed how the policy was arranged towards its sustainability, as result of the interactions between social actors and the appropriators of the páramos’ natural resources, which emerged in the local, national and international arenas. Resumen: Analicé la política de los páramos en Colombia a partir de los debates que surgieron alrededor de la prohibición de actividades mineras y agropecuarias en los ecosistemas de páramos. Para lo cual, realicé de un análisis institucional basado en la teoría de los bienes comunes de Ostrom y en el Marco de Análisis Institucional y Desarrollo, considerando tres tipos de unidades de recursos: agua, minerales e hidrocarburos, y tierra. Demostré cómo la política fue influenciada hacia su sostenibilidad, por las interacciones entre actores sociales y apropiadores de los recursos del páramo que surgieron en las arenas local, nacional e internacional.

This paper concentrates specifically on the reintegration process of female ex-combatants and their role as peacebuilders in the aftermath of war. By privileging the personal experience of two female ex-combatants of guerrilla groups in Colombia, this thesis aims to explorer what are the main obstacles faced by these women in their process of reintegration into civilian life and how to strengthen the role of female ex-combatants as peacebuilders. I argue that DDR processes and reintegration programs are only one dimension of post-conflict reconstruction and rehabilitation. Notwithstanding, the real challenge is to demilitarize all aspects of social life including the people’s mind, the community, and the state with its hegemonic notions of security. Likewise, a reintegration process designed and implemented from a gender-sensitive approach can be an example of a practical and emancipatory project that brings more equitable relations between men and women in the aftermath of the war. Therefore, women's role as peacebuilders can be strengthened through a political reintegration process that emphasizes their transformative potential as influential citizens in the decision-making processes of their community in terms of reconciliation and national rehabilitation.

Dejusticia, Fundación Karisma, and Privacy International wish to raise concerns regarding the protection of the rights to freedom of expression and opinion, to privacy, and to personal data protection; the shutdown of civil society spaces; protection of the right to protest; and protection of the rights of the Venezuelan migrant and refugee population, for consideration in the upcoming review of Colombia at the 44th session of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review. Descripción tomada del boletín.